6 September 2023

'Beta Mo Tidur Deng Bapa'

Bagaimana ekspresi politik secara damai didakwa hukuman penjara dan memisahkan anggota keluarga.

15 December 2016

RMS Political Prisoners Reunite With Families After 7-Year Wait

Nusakambangan. In early January, I brought my wife and toddler daughter along on a visit to the Nusakambangan prison. We went there to visit Republik Maluku Selatan — South Maluku Republic, or RMS — political prisoners. I wanted to show them that in this country many can still be jailed for holding different political views, some for as long as 15 to 20 years.

In June 2007 in Ambon, these RMS political prisoners danced the Cakalele and raised the RMS flag in front of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono during a seemingly innocuous ceremony to celebrate National Family Day. Yudhoyono was incensed. The dancers were arrested, and then tortured. In total, 68 people were arrested after the incident and sentenced for up to 20 years in prison.

Unfortunately, this is not the end of the story. In 2009, the political prisoners were forcibly moved, away from their family in Ambon, to various prisons across Java including Nusakambangan.
I was delighted that my daughter Kembang brought real warmth to our brief gathering at the Nusakambangan prison. The six RMS prisoners loved meeting her, took delight in the rare opportunity to hold a child. Their face lit up as they played with my daughter. Deep down, I think they were remembering their own children back in Ambon.

The prison’s staff watched as we turned to more serious conversations. We spoke about the prisoners' health, the legacy they want to leave, food and then, naturally, the topic moved on to families.
One of the RMS men, Ruben Saija, also has a daughter, Vike Saija, who is now ten years old. Ruben last saw her in 2009, and has never seen her since he moved from Ambon to Nusakambangan. “She was as young as your daughter when I was moved to this place,” he told me.

Last December, Ruben attempted suicide by drinking insecticide. He was frustrated and depressed at not being able to witness his daughter’s baptism in Aboru on the Haruku Island. Luckily, his life was spared.

Jordan Saija also has a son, Fredy Saija, now twelve years old. Since Jordan moved to Nusa Kambangan, no one from his family has ever visited him. They are a family of sago farmers. It simply costs too much to go to Java. “My only visitor, so far, has been a sister of mine who had come from Papua some years ago,” he said. The sister had gotten help to visit Jordan from a program organized by NGOs in Jayapura and Jakarta. Filep Karma, the popular and influential Papuan ex-political prisoner, also received assistance from the same organization to visit the RMS political prisoners.

Ruben Saija and Jordan Saija are detained at the Kembang Kuning prison together with four other political prisoners: Johanis Saija, Abner Litamahuputty, Romanus Batseran and John Marcus.
Then there are the others; Johan Teterisa at Batu Prison, also in Nusakambangan. Three in Porong prison: Fredy Akihary, Jonathan Riri and Marlon Pattiwael. Another one in Madiun, Peter Yohannes. They had all been detained since 2007 on Yudhoyono’s order.

In May 2015, President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo made a promise to release all political prisoners in Indonesia — including Papuans and Moluccans. So far, Jokowi had released five political prisoners who had asked for clemency, and Filep Karma by remission.

When he visited the RMS political prisoners in Nusakambangan, Filep asked them if they wanted to ask for clemency from Jokowi — and all of them said no. The RMS men were adamant that they did not commit any crime. I agree with them.

They RMS men did not want clemency, but they did desire one thing: for their families to visit them at Nusakambangan. A simple request, but one which would cost a lot of money.

Once we were back from Nusakambangan, the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation, Human Rights Watch and Pantau Foundation worked on making their dream to reunite with their families come true.
The work took five months, but eventually the RMS political prisoners were reunited with their families.

The Pantau Foundation was able to arrange family visits to the three prisons: Nusa Kambangan, Porong and Madiun. They were to be fully legal visits with official permits issued by the Penitentiary General Director I Wayan Kusmiantha Dusak.

We obtained permission for the visit of two family members per political prisoner. Then it was time for me to make phone calls to the RMS political prisoners' loved ones.

The first group of families visited the Kembang Kuning and Batu prisons. At Kembang Kuning, Rubben Saija was visited by his wife Yohanna Saija and daughter Vike. Jordan Saija was finally reunited with his wife Etha Saija and son Fredy. Yohanis Saija met his brother Arens Arnold Saija and daughter Afril Saija. Romanus Batseran was visited by his brother Randi Batseran and his wife, Erlin Keyzer. John Marcus was visited by his mother and her sister, Dortje Wattimena and Jansen Sasabone. In Batu, Johan Teterisa was reunited with two of his sons, Rivaldo Teterisa and Johncard Teterisa.

All the political prisoners mentioned above are fathers, sons and family members to these people from Ambon. The time apart, and the distance between them, have caused a lot of heartache for them all.

While the reunions were not perfect — they still took place in a prison after all — they were better circumstances than the last time in which the families met each other. In Ambon, the RMS men suffered constant torture. The families were never told that their family members were being moved to Java. They discovered it some months later, from gossip. For a long time since, they were left feeling restless and hopeless.

“The last time I saw him, my husband... his eyes were swollen, he was in a lot of pain,” Etha Saija said, holding back tears as she caressed her daughter’s hair.

The pain suffered by these people seemed to be endless. The prisoners' families were also subjected to intimidation by police and military officers. Families were left in ruin, some of the men's partners had asked for divorce. Family members who work in government offices were threatened with dismissal. A couple of families were forced out of Ambon.

The families desperately wanted to meet their loved ones, but few of them had the wherewithal to travel all the way to Java. Jordan Saija’s wife Etha, for example, lives in Aboru, a small island south of Ambon. Her journey to Java would require her taking a speedboat to Ambon, followed by a long flight to Jakarta before a long bus trip to Nusakambangan. Such trip would be daunting for most people, let alone a simple farmer who had never flown before in her life.

The thought of the journey alone filled Etha with dread and worry. She never flew in an aircraft. How could she pay for the speedboat? How could they get to the airport? Who would keep her company during the trip? Do we need to bring gifts? These questions occupied her mind as she prepared to leave for Java.

Eventually, Etha Saija and her daughter left Aboru with Johana Saija and her daughter. They also brought Arens Saija and his son. Luckily, Arens Saija had been to Java before. He was detained at Kedung Pane in Semarang for the same case but was released sooner because of illness. “I was tortured and and almost died in prison,” Arens said.

Arens’ knowledge of Java brought some comfort to the travelers. They went early in the morning from Aboru, flew to Jakarta and, without any rest, hopped on a bus to Cilacap then crossed by boat to Nusakambangan. The long trip took its toll, especially on the kids. Vike, especially, was prone to bouts of sickness along the trip. But they had no choice, they had to go on with the trip. This was the first time they had a chance to meet their family after a long wait.

After 24 hours on the road, we are arrived at Nusakambangan. There was no time for a bath or other niceties. I showed the electronic permit to the prison staff. It was finally issued when we were on the way from the airport. A friend from the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation had sent it to me. The staff asked me to print out the letter. An hour later I came back with the printed letter, but the others had already gone and left me at the port.

Sticking to the plan, we would stay in Cilacap for two days. The next morning, we visited Johan Teterisa at the Batu prison. At Kembang Kuning, the families were reunited during the regular prison visiting hours, 10 a.m. to 12 a.m. There was no privacy. Even though they had not seen each other for seven years. Even though they had just spent 24 hours on the road. No, they were given the regular visiting hours at the regular visiting room.

I asked Etha Saija, “How did it feel meeting your husband [Jordan] again?"
Etha said Jordan did not recognize his son Fredy, walking past him and straight to his wife when they entered the room.

Before crossing into the Kembang Kuning prison, I showed Ruben Saija's photograph to Vike. I asked her if she recognized the man in the picture. She said,”My father.” But when they finally met each other in Kembang Kuning, Vike did not recognize her dad, refusing to come too close to him.
It took Ruben some time to convince Vike that he was not a stranger. ”Just look at our faces, don't they look similar?” Ruben asked Vike. Vike nodded. Ruben then hugged his daughter and sat her on his lap. After a couple minutes, they were inseparable. Playing, talking randomly about many things, everything. Two hours later, it was time for Vike and her mother to leave. But Vike resisted.
“I want to sleep with Daddy,” Vike said. She wanted to stay with her dad at the Nusakambangan prison.

I felt deep sadness during these trips with the political prisoners' familiers. Many people just do not understand the real issues at play. They all assume that these Haruku people were guilty of treason because they wanted independence, they wanted get out of the NKRI, or Republic of Indonesia. Because of that "sin" they deserve all the atrocities coming to them.

Many forget that these so-called RMS men have not committed any violent act. They were just dancing with a flag because they were upset with discrimination. Discrimination that has left them eking out a meager life as destitute farmers in a tiny island in one of the remotest parts of Indonesia.
The same type of protest would not have angered the authorities so much if it happened in other countries — such as Spain where the Catalans constantly advocate independence from the Spanish. As long as you're not violent, you should be allowed to express your political view. The right to do is actually protected by the Indonesian constitution. And this is why Jokowi has to come good with his promise to release all political prisoners, and quickly

At Nusakambangan, I kept thinking about my own daughter. I hope when she grows up, the state will commit no more violence against people who want to express their political ideas. And I certainly hope none of them they will be put in jail for it, for any length of time.

Imam Shofwan is the chairman of Pantau Foundation, an organization dedicated to improve the standards of journalism in Indonesia.
This article also appear on Jakarta Globe for the first time.

Pak George

Penampilannya ngaktivis banget. Kaos putih berkerah, berselempang tais dan berambut acak-acakan. Saat itu awal 2007. Suaranya masih keras. Ia datang sebagai peserta diskusi sama seperti saya dan mendengarkan penuturan Galuh Wandita, almarhum Agustinho de Vasconselos dan Patrick Walsh yang saat itu meluncurkan laporan kejahatan kemanusiaan di Timor Leste selama pendudukan Indonesia di Perpusnas, Matraman.

Laporan itu berjudul Chega! artinya cukup, berisi testimoni ribuan korban dan saksi mata kejahatan kemanusiaan selama 25 tahun. Patrick, Agustinho dan Galuh mengajak audien memikirkan tindaklanjut laporan tersebut.

Sesi tanya jawab dibuka. Pak George berdiri. Ia menandaskan kejahatan kemanusiaan di Timor Leste hanya bisa terjadi karena tak ada tentara yang dihukum atas kejahatan 65. Impunitas ini bikin siklus kejahatan kemanusiaan diulang-ulang. Di Timor Leste, di Aceh, di Poso dan di Papua. Dia menegaskan pentingnya mengadili penjahat 65 jika ingin kejahatan-kejahatan kemanusiaan lain diputus siklusnya.

Dari Pak George saya tahu kalau ada rantai penghubung antar kejahatan-kejahatan kemanusiaan di negeri ini. Porosnya pada pembantaian 65. Impunitas militer pokoknya.

Sebelum ketemu, saya kenal Pak George sebagai pengkritik Suharto dan tangsi militer yang mendukungnya. Karena ingin tahu lebih lanjut saya menghampirinya dan minta nomor telepon. Saya bilang hendak pergi ke Timor Leste untuk bikin laporan soal Chega! ini dan saya butuh bantuannya. Ia lantas merekomendasikan saya beberapa buku dan majalah untuk saya baca. "Sebelum berangkat ketemu saya dulu, saya kasih kontak kawan-kawan di Dili."

Tak semua referensi yang dibilang Pak George saya temukan. Saya cuma ketemu buku karyanya "Menyongsong Matahari Terbit Di Puncak Ramelau," dan beberapa majalah yang ia sebutkan. Bagi saya yg pertama kali liputan di Timor Leste, buku tersebut memberi saya banyak informasi awal dan gambaran konflik di sana. Pendeknya, ia jadi amunisi awal liputan saya.

Usai peluncuran Pak George kembali ke Jogja dan saya kembali menyiapkan liputan ke Timor Leste. Saya menemui Galuh Wandita, Andreas Harsono dan Amiruddin Al Rahab untuk memperkaya amunisi dan meminta kontak kawan di sana.

Beberapa bulan selanjutnya Pak George ada acara di Jakarta dan kami janjian ketemuan. Saya menjemputnya di bandara. Setelah beberapa jam menunggu, pesawat Pak George tiba dan kami ketemu. Dia ngomel-ngomel karena panitia membelikan tiket pesawat Lion yang pelit makanan. "Mereka nggak tau saya sakit klo telat makan," katanya. Kami lantas mencari makan di bandara. Usai makan moodnya membaik, dia mulai menanyakan perkembangan rencana liputan dan dia telah menyiapkan kontak kawan-kawannya.

Kami pisah saat acara Pak George hendak mulai. Kita janjian akan saling berkabar.

Saya kembali berkontak dengan Pak George saat Yayasan Pantau hendak bikin kelas investigasi. Di Pantau tak banyak list investigator untuk jadi pemateri dan Pak George adalah pemateri ideal. Investigasinya tentang korupsi keluarga cendana dan kroninya tak terbantahkan. Ia menyelusuri aset-aset keluarga tersebut hingga ujung dunia. Pak George didapuk dengan Bang Otto Syamsuddin Ishak untuk memberi warna investigasi kejahatan kemanusiaan di Acheh. Di kelas Investigasi lainnya Pak George dipadu dengan Metta Dharmasaputra, investigator ASIAN AGRI.

Panitia menyiapkan acara dan sudah membelikan tiket Pak George dari Jogja dan saya kebagian menjemputnya di bandara. Kejadian berulang. Ia dibelikan tiket Lion Air dan dia ngomel tak ada makan. Saya merasa bersalah sekali karena saya lupa kasih tahu panitia untuk pilihkan pesawat yg ada makannya buat Pak George. Saya lantas mengajaknya makan untuk permintaan maaf.

Setelah itu, saya sering berbagi sms dengan Pak George. Kalau lagi di Jakarta dia mengajak bertemu. Saat dia meluncurkan buku tentang korupsi kepresidenan SBY Gurita Cikeas, saya mengundangnya untuk bicara di hadapan wartawan-wartawan senior dari Asia-Pasifik dan USA yang jadi peserta program East-West Center. Ada kejadian lucu karena saat itu dia lupa bahasa inggrisnya gurita. Ia keluar ruangan dan minta gurita pada petugas hotel. Setelah dapat, baru semua peserta ngeh itu "octopus." Ia bikin semua peserta tergelak.

Deket dengan Pak George tentu menguntungkan bagi wartawan macam saya. Ia murah hati membagi ilmu dan bisa diajak ngomong soal apa saja. Termasuk saat saya bekerja di korbanlumpur.info untuk membuat ruang korban Lapindo bersuara di tengah gemuruh media-media milik Bakrie.

Karena sering curhat soal Lapindo dia meminta saya membantu menjelaskan soal Lapindo ketika dia diundang utk bicara di depan peserta kelas diplomasi bikinan José Ramos-Horta Saya tersanjung sekaligus minder karena kemampuan berbahasa Inggris terbatas.

Untuk bikin mudah, saya bikin bagan relasi Bakri dan pemerintah dari SBY hingga lurah Renokenongo yang telah berkongkolikong memuluskan ekplorasi gas di tengah pemukiman padat penduduk.

Meski susah-payah saya menjelaskan namun saya tak yakin audien paham. Pak George tahu kegalauan saya dan membesarkan hati saya. "Ko nulis buku saja soal Lapindo, saya buatkan pengantarnya nanti."

Bandul politik kian konservatif saat SBY berkuasa, minoritas agama banyak ditindas, saat itu saya sempat mendiskusikan ini dengan Pak George. Saya menemui Pak George bersama kawan Firdaus Mubarik, aktivis Ahmadiyah dan seorang kolega Pantau Fahri Salam.

SBY juga merepresi aktivisme di Indonesia Timur, utamanya Ambon dan Papua. Saat dia berkunjung ke Ambon 2007 ia menangkapi ratusan orang yang menari cakalele. Ia juga menutup rapat Papua dari media asing sembari melarang kembali pengibaran bendera Papua. Banyak aktivis ditangkap, disiksa dan dituduh makar karena demo damai. Bersama Af Wensi, aktivis Papua, kami juga minta saran Pak George.

Habis itu kami jarang berkontak. Saya tetep mengikutinya dari jauh. Ketika 'orang Jogja' marah karena Pak George mengkritik Sultannya, saya sedih. Ketika dia ngepret Ramadhan Pohan, saya 'senang', meski tak seharusnya begitu.

Kabar dari kawan-kawan di Jogja kesehatannya memburuk dan sa berencana membesuknya. Belum kesampian, Pak George pindah ke Palu dan makin jauh kesempatan ketemu fisik lagi.

Setiap hendak nulis sesuatu saya biasa riset bacaan terlebih dulu dan di saat seperti ini saya sering ketemu Pak George dalam karya-karyanya. Terakhir saya ketemu disertasi Pak George soal bendungan di Indonesia. Belum tuntas saya membacanya, seorang kawan ingin menulis soal tema itu dan saya meminjamkannya.

Ia belum dikembalikan dan saya ingin membacanya lagi dan mengenang pria berambut panjang dan bertais, yang banyak membantu liputan-liputan saya, yang telah tiada.

9 June 2015

Kau Sesat Maka Kau Pasti Salah!

Apa jadinya kalau semua profesi membela agamanya? Tukang pos Islam tak mau mengantar surat orang Kristen karena ia beda agama. Dokter Kristen tak mau mengobati pasien Muslim karena ia beda agama. Wartawan Sunni tak mau menyuarakan orang Syi’ah yang didzalimi karena ia beda keyakinan atau seorang Hakim Sunni tak memberi keadilan pada korban Syi’ah yang dibakar rumah dan sekolahnya dan diusir dari tempat tinggalnya, serta dibunuh pengikutnya karena keyakinan berbeda.

Kita patut was-was karena bangunan kebangsaan kita terancam. Ia akan kembali ke zaman siapa kuat ia menang. Yang mayoritas membantai yang minoritas. Bukankah bukan begitu tujuan kita bernegara? Negara wajib melindungi semua warganya. Memberi keadilan.

Wartawan dan hakim yang didikte agamanya bukan rekaan, ia benar-benar terjadi di kasus pemimpin Syi’ah Tajul Muluk, Sampang Madura. Di mana wartawan tak menjalankan fungsinya dengan independen, menjadi anjing penjaga penguasa yang dzalim, menyuarakan korban dengan mengumpulkan sebanyak mungkin fakta untuk membantu masyarakat bikin keputusan yang bermutu. Tajul Muluk diusir dari tempat yang ditinggalinya sejak 1980. Rumah dan sekolahnya dibakar. Pengikutnya disiksa dan dibunuh. Tak hanya itu, sebagai korban, ia malah dihukum 2 tahun oleh pengadilan Sampang dan ditambah dua tahun lagi oleh pengadilan tinggi di Surabaya.

Banyak kejanggalan di sepanjang persidangan. Mulai dari hakim yang berfihak pada kelompok Sunni, ia mengarahkan kesaksian para saksi dan memperlakukan bukti-bukti untuk menyalahkan para korban dari kelompok Syi’ah. Kejanggalan-kejanggalan ini tak tertangkap media. Mereka melaporkan kasus ini dipermukaannya dan tak jarang berfihak pada mayoritas Sunni, ikut menyesatkan Syi’ah, dan tidak kritis ketika para korban yang justru dijebloskan ke penjara.

Ia bukan kasus pertama media dan para hakim berfihak sama mayoritas dan menindas minoritas. Kasus-kasus Ahmadiyah di Cikeusik, kasus Lia Aminuddin juga sama. Media dan hakim gagal menjalankan fungsinya dengan baik dan independen. Ia didekte keyakinannya untuk berfihak.
Tulisan ini hendak menyoroti kejanggalan-kejanggalan di sidang kasus Tajul Muluk di pengadilan Sampang yang lepas dari sorotan media, ia didasarkan pada notulensi persidangan. Supaya urut saya mencoba mengelompokkannya menjadi beberapa pointer:

Pertama keberfihakan hakim terhadap kelompok Sunni yang ditunjukkan pada beberapa tingkatan: hakim memperlakukan tak sama terhadap saksi-saksi penasehat hukum (Syi’ah) dan saksi-saksi penuntut umum (Sunni). Misal terhadap saksi Muhyin, hakim mempersoalkan saksi Muhyin karena punya nama alias. Tak hanya itu, hakim juga memarahi saksi Muhyin dan saksi Sunadi yang juga didatangkan oleh penasehat hukum. Terhadap saksi Sunadi, hakim mengatakan dalam bahasa Madura. “sampean nekah edingagin gellun oreng acaca. Tak nyambung jewebennah  sampean, enggi paham? Edingagin oreng gellun atanyah jek karabbeh dibik. (Anda itu dengarkan dulu kalau orang berbicara. Jawaban anda tidak nyambung, faham kan? Dengarkan dulu orang yang bertanya jangan mengambil seenaknya sendiri).” Hakim juga mengintimidasi saksi dengan ancaman berbohong.

Kebalikannya, hakim memperlakukan saksi-saksi atau ahli dari penuntut umum berbeda dengan saksi-saksi dari penasehat hukum. Hakim melindungi saksi-saksi dan ahli penuntut umum, tak memarahinya dan juga mengiyakan saja ketika ahli tak mau menjawab pertanyaan penasehat hukum.

Misalnya, saat penasehat hukum menanyakan pada saksi Abdul Halim Subahar tentang dasar rumusan rukun iman? Abdul Halim bilang menurut hadist Rosul. Ketika penasehat hukum meminta Halim menunjukkan hadist itu hakim bilang, “aa, begini, jadi tak usah begitu. Hadist Rasul mengatakan seperti itu.” Usaha penasehat hukum untuk menggali akar persoalan dihentikan hakim dengan pernyataan ini.

Hakim mengingatkan penasehat hukum waktu penasehat hukum menyebut ahli  dari penuntut umum dengan sebutan “anda” sebagai kasar namun hakim sendiri memanggil ahli dari penasehat hukum dengan sebutan “anda.”

Ketika saksi penasehat hukum tidak hafal rukun Islam dan Iman hakim memarahinya namun ketika saksi-saksi penuntut umum tidak hafal juga hakim membelanya.

Dalam bahasa Madura hakim mengatakan pada saksi dari penasehat hukum, Sunandi, “anda mengaku Islam, mengaku Syi’ah tapi ditanya rukun Islam rukun iman tidak tahu, itu dasar itu.” Namun ketika saksi penuntut umum Muhammad Hasyim tak juga hafal hakim melanjutkan pertanyaan.
Hakim bilang, “rukun iman ada berapa?”

“Ada lima,” jawab Hasyim.

“Sebutkan satu persatu.” “Sampean tak hafal?” Tanya hakim.

“Tidak hafal,” jawab Hasyim.

“Rukun Islam ada berapa?”

bedheh bellu (ada delapan)” kata Hasyim.

Kedua, asas keadilan tak dijunjung tinggi oleh hakim. Ia banyak melakukan intervensi pada penasehat hukum. Dalam pemeriksaan ahli Abdussomad Bukhori, misalnya, penasehat hukum mempertanyakan apakah perkawinan mut’ah termasuk pokok agama atau cabang agama. Hakim memotong penjelasan ahli dengan memutuskan ia pokok agama. Penasehat hukum tak leluasa menggali keterangan ahli lebih lanjut soal ini. Begitupun ketiga penasehat hukum menyoal tentang apakah ajaran Syi’ah sesat? Penasehat hukum tak diberi kesempatan menggali lebih dalam dari ahli dan hakim menyela dengan mengatakan. “Jadi buktinya 10 kriteria dan itu bisa salah satu aja yang diikutkan dan itu bisa.”

Usaha penasehat hukum untuk mengungkap fakta sering dipotong oleh hakim dan diminta mengganti dengan pertanyaan lain. Akibatnya, penasehat hukum tak maksimal melakukan pembelaan.
Ketiga, hakim menunjukkan sikap kalau terdakwa bersalah dan ajaran Tajul Muluk sesat. Pertanyaan seperti, “kenapa saudara ikut ajaran sesat?” beberapa kali keluar dari mulut hakim ketika menanyai saksi selama persidangan.

Selama persidangan hakim juga melebarkan persoalan di luar dakwaan, seperti poligami, tarawih, puasa, buka puasa. Namun hakim tak menemukan perbedaan ibadah-ibadah itu di Sunni dan Syi’ah.
Keempat, ada kewajiban undang-undang, jika seseorang tak faham bahasa Indonesia hakim harus menunjuk juru bahasa yang disumpah namun, hakim tidak menjalankan prosedur itu, ia tak menunjuk penerjemah yang bersumpah dan menginterpretasikan sendiri keterangan dari bahasa lokal sesuai pandangannya. Parahnya hakim tak menulis keterangan saksi yang tidak berbahasa Indonesia dan tak ada keterangan diterjemahkan.

Selain empat hal itu, ada kejanggalan-kejanggalan lain selama persidangan yang tak tertangkap media, seperti, hakim mengarahkan saksi untuk mengubah jawaban, hakim membatasi keberatan penasehat hukum, tak menyumpah saksi sedarah, hakim membiarkan saksi beropini, hakim juga mengeluarkan kata-kata menghina terdakwa, hakim juga menyimpulkan saat pemeriksaan saksi, hakim juga membiarkan keterangan kontradiktif dari saksi di berita acara pemeriksaan.

Menulis ini mengingatkan saya pada kasus konflik Islam-Kristen di Ambon 1999-2001, dimana media tak netral dan ikut mengobarkan konflik Ambon. Masyarakat terbelah menjadi desa Islam dan desa Kristen, angkot Islam dan angkot Kristen, perahu Islam dan perahu Kristen. Media yang harusnya tak memihak juga terbelah menjadi media Islam dan media Kristen. Tak perduli salah-benar mereka membela agama masing-masing dan menyalahkan agama lain. Ia jadi pertikaian agama yang panjang dan memakan banyak korban. Rumah, masjid, gereja dibakar. Semua fihak rugi besar dan perlu waktu lama untuk pemulihan.

Saya khawatir dan masih bertanya, apa jadinya jika semua profesi membela agamanya? Saya membayangkan kerusakan yang luar biasa. [Imam Shofwan]

Dimuat di Majalah Ideas, Jember edisi April 2015.

25 June 2013

Truth or Consequence

By Imam Shofwan
She is said to have been breathtakingly beautiful, and even now, decades later, there are traces of what had made her so attractive to men: an oval face, cleft chin, eyes that slant upwards just so, and hair that is thick and wavy. When she was younger, her skin was also a smooth golden brown, her body slim yet full in the right places. 

These days there are wrinkles around her eyes, but it is the weariness in her face and the slump in her shoulders that betray her age of 50 years – and what she has been through. Then again Lalerek Mutin, a small community east of the Timor Leste capital, isn’t known as “widow’s village” for nothing. 

“My husband was kidnapped and killed by three soldiers when I was four months pregnant,” she tells me. “My child died of hunger. Now I raise my two kids from two of the three soldiers who committed sexual acts on me.”

I had picked her out at random from among the 8,000 witnesses who testified before the Commission of Acceptance, Truth, and Reconciliation of Timor Leste or CAVR, its acronym in Portuguese. The testimonies were given voluntarily. Later, these were compiled in a 2,500-paged book entitled “Chega!” or “Enough!” in Portuguese, where the identities of the witnesses and their alleged abusers were concealed behind code names. 

The woman I would meet in Lalerek Mutin went by the code name “MI” in the book, which lists crimes against humanity committed in East Timor from August 1974, more than a year before the invasion and occupation of Timor Leste by Indonesia, to 1999, when the Indonesian forces departed after the U.N.-sponsored referendum.

The witnesses came from the 13 districts across Timor Leste. They told of the human-rights violations they experienced or had seen, where and when these happened, who were involved. The atrocities enumerated in Chega! range from detention to torture, to rape and sexual slavery, to murder. In all, some 183,000 people are estimated to have died in East Timor during the 25 years of Indonesian occupation.

Most of the victims were East Timorese. Some of the alleged perpetrators, meanwhile, were from militia formed by local political parties like Frente Revolucionaria de Timor-Leste Independente (Fretilin), Uniao Democrattica Timorense (UDT), and Associacao Popular Democratica (Apodeti). 

But majority of those said to have committed the crimes belonged to the Indonesian Armed Forces and the militia they themselves had formed. I felt scared when I learned that most of the crimes were being blamed on members of the Indonesian military, which had also been a constant presence while I was growing up in Rembang, studying in Semarang, and later working in Jakarta.


Shariah Advocates Must Put Into Practice Its History of Tolerance

Imam Shofwan

In August 2002, a number of Islam-based political parties demanded the Jakarta Charter be included in the Constitution, which would mean that Muslims in Indonesia would have the obligation to live according to the prescriptions of Shariah law. 

The effort was supported by a large number of — mainly hard-line — Islamic organizations, but nevertheless failed to pass through the House of Representatives, in part due to opposition from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the — also Islam-based — National Awakening Party (PKB). 

The Islamists had to change strategy. In 2004 a new law on regional autonomy gave them the opportunity they had been hoping for. They set about implementing “Shariah from below” by advocating across the archipelago local Shariah laws, which often included rules such as women being required to wear the hijab, and couples wanting to marry needing to read the Koran. 

Islamic groups have long argued that their brand of “Shariah from below” need not alarm any skeptics. The reality, however, is that attacks on religious minorities have been frequent and even deadly in a number of regions were such laws have been implemented. 

One proponent of Shariah, M.S. Kaban of the Crescent Star Party (PBB), has said that: “If Shariah is applied, the benefit is not just for the unity of Indonesia but also for a fair and cultural humanity, and for social justice for the whole of society.” Ma’ruf Amin of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) and Ismail Yusanto of the Liberation Party of Indonesia (HTI) echoed this sentiment. There was nothing to fear, they all said. 

Hidayat Nur Wahid of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) has argued, in a slightly different vein, that minority rights could be protected under a social contract similar to one that existed on the Arabian peninsular in the 7th century and formed the basis of the first Islamic caliphate: the Charter of Medina. It was an agreement between the Muslim, Jewish, Christian and pagan tribes of Medina, where the Prophet Muhammad first came to power. “Not only Muslims have the obligation to implement the Islamic Shariah; other groups [Jews and Christians in Medina] were given the authority to implement their religious orders,” Hidayat said. 

There have been successes at the national level for the Shariah proponents, like the 2008 Law on Pornography. And there are restrictions on the building of houses of worship issued in 2006 and a joint ministerial decree severely limiting the activities of the minority Ahmadiyah sect. But the “Shariah from below” program runs particularly smoothly. Nowadays, at least 151 local Shariah bylaws have been adopted across Java, Sulawesi, Sumatra and West Nusa Tenggara. 

In those areas, are adherents of minority religions sufficiently protected from persecution? 

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Al-Hallaj behind Dhani Ahmad

A string of accusations on religious contempt are now being hurled at Dhani Ahmad and his rock band Dewa. Dhani does not deny that his lyrics began with an attempt to open up some kind of a religious discourse. In fact, he admits his fondness for controversial Sufi figures.

It is still early in the morning. The day’s heat has yet to be felt. But not so in the infotainment programme on television. The camera is fixed on one man, and this man is announcing sternly, “A few of the lyrics and the pictures used by Dewa in their album have been taken from a poem by a heretical movement in the Middle East.” On the screen, you could read the caption which identifies them, Pertahanan Ideologi Syariat Islam (Perisai) [The Defence of the Islamic Ideology and Law].

This is not some kind of an innocent prank. Ridwan Saidi, the figure who claims to represent the aforementioned group called Perisai, is going to lodge a complaint on Dewa to the Attorney General. Ridwan is a Betawi cultural activist and prominent community figure. Ridwan has been known for his penchant for politics. During the New Order, he even had a stint with the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan [The Party for the Unity of Development (PPP)], before moving on to Golongan Karya [The Workers’ Group (Golkar)] and subsequently founding the New Masyumi. During the Reformasi era, when Masyumi did not manage to make it through the electoral threshold, Ridwan returned to PPP.

Ridwan is in the opinion that the cover of Dewa’s album, along with its lyrics written by Dhani contain the teachings of a heretical nature. “Not only on the Laskar Cinta (Soldier of Love) album, but also on the previous Dewa release, Mistukus Cinta (The Love Mystic).” Perhaps what he meant is really, the album Cintailah Cinta (Love the Love). Mistikus Cinta is only one of the song titles in the album in question.

Last April, as he was perusing over the cover of Dewa’s albums, Ridwan apparently discovered that many of Dewa’s lyrics like Satu (The One) and Nonsense were derived from heretical poems. It remains unclear if Ridwan has actually scrutinised the lyrics concerned. Ridwan could well assume that the lyrics of Satu as heretical, for instance, since on the cover of Laskar Cinta, one can find the phrase “thanks to Al-Hallaj” written under the text of the lyrics Satu. Al-Hallaj is a controversial figure in Muslim history.

The end of this month of April has certainly been very unfriendly for Dhani Ahmad Prasetyo.

Responding to the accusations in a newspaper, Dhani in fact did not make any references to al-Hallaj when he was discussing the lyrics to Satu. In fact, in the concerned article, Dhani clarified that the lyrics to his songs contain strong expressions of love to the divine. “An appreciation to a hadith [reported words and deeds attributed to the prophet Muhammad] narrated by Imam Bukhari had also inspired this writer to pen down the lyrics to Satu,” he wrote. Dhani not once referred to al-Hallaj in the article which sought to provide clarification after various reporting of the issue.

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