Write to Forget

by Imam Shofwan


Human right cases in Indonesia are never complete. Time and again fact–finding teams are formed and evidences is found. But the court have never successed in convicting those responsible. At most it is those in the field who get punished, while top brass remains untouchable, unaffected. It was goodly. Perperators of many human right in heavy weight instead taken look like immune.

The preperators of the 1965 massacres, for example, have even still never been named, let alone brought to trial. This despite the fact that Sarwo Edhie Wibowo—President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s father-in-law—has claimed that more than three milion people were killed in the at the time. Sarwo Edhie made this claim to Permadi, a legislator with Indonesian Democrat Party of Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, PDI-P). Sarwo Edhie himself led the communist ”cleansing” operations in Java and Bali as ordered by Presiden Suharto. But it was not only communists who were killed in these operations, but also common people with little involvement in or understanding of politics whatever. This tragedy represents one of the greatest genocides witnessed in human history.

Lately demands circulate quite widely for Suharto to be held responsible for his wrongdoing, yet the 1965 massacre almost never gets mentioned in this context; instead it is the more commonplace charge of corruption that is so obsessively discussed. The genocide of 1965 remains a shadow in our national history our history. Never mind the fact that only recently President SBY requested Justice Agung Abdurraahman Saleh put aside even the corruption charges against Suharto.

What happens in the case of other humans rights violations? Most are equally disappointing. Every one of the military defendants on trial for the gross human rights abuses in Timor Lorosa’e, as well as all the military officers involved in the Tanjung Priok case have been freed, and this has had a dramatic impact as well on people’s faith in the the court system as well as the government.

Even the most basic internationally-acknowledged rights of victims are systematically ignored by the Indonesian state and legal apparatus. In fact, there are three fundamental rights which must maintain in the cases of victims of gross human rights violation. First, every victim is entitled to know the facts of the incident as thoroughly as possible. The government is thus responsible for investigation, protection of witnesses as well as victims, and for assuring access to all archival material related to the human-rights incident.

Second, the victim has a right to justice. This involves two further principles, viz people protection from reconciliation effort dan forgive effort who intent on preserve impunity also state duty for doing court administration.

Thrid, victims maintain the right to reparations, including assurance of restution, compensation, rehabilitation, and restitution for any special efforts inolved in the case. The right to reparation also demands a guarantee of no further repetition of the rights violation.

Mugiyanto, an activist with Ikatan Keluarga Orang Hilang (Union of Families of the Disappeared) notes that the government is not yet serious in handling human right cases. Mugi, as he is known to friends, and who has himself been abducted by Kopassus special forces, has been supportive of the case of the Tanjung Priok case victims. “The Human Right Court was only able to arrest low-ranking perpetrators from within the military, while Tri Sutrisno, who was at that time Pangdam Jaya remains free,” as Mugi points out.

Beside that, about 100 Tanjung Priok victims did not even receive compensation, ”despite the court having decided that victims would receive compensation, restution, and rehabilitation,” Mugi notes.

Most disappointing to Mugi was the decision of the Supreme Court to abrogate the judgement of the Human Rights Court in Central Jakarta by declaring that the Tanjung Priok case was not in fact a case of human rights violation. As a result, all perpetrators previously arrested were released.

Those signs were read by some of the legislators preparing the special Aceh Government Bill (RUU PA). They did not wish for human rights cases in Aceh to be similarly put on ice.

On May 17 2006 the comittee discussed a chapter on”Human Rights”. Ahmad Farhan Hamid, an Acehnese legislator from the National Order Party, noted at least serious cases of human rights violation in Aceh before the Memorandum of Understanding was reached betwen GAM and and the Central Government last August. Farhan noted the following cases:

1. Rape case in Pidie, August 16, 1988. The victim is a disabled woman named Sumiati.

2. Murder case, abduction, and maltreatment in Rumoh Geudong, Pidie Regency. This case began took place between 1997 and 1998, when Aceh became became an Area of Military Operation.

3. Murder and disappearance in Idi Cut and Arakundo, East Aceh, February 2-3, 1999.

4. Murder in Cut Murong, Dewantara Subdistrict, May 3, 1999. This case is known as the Simpang KAA case.

5. The massacre of Teungku Bantaqiah and his colleagues, July 23 1999.

Hamid learned of these cases from the Independent Commission for the Examination of Violence in Aceh. This commission was formed by fomer President BJ Habibie and legalized by Presidential Decree No. 8/1999. In the past ten years, beginning in1988-1999, the commision has already discovered roughly 5000 human right cases in Aceh. The five noted by Hamid represent only some of the most serious. The commision has recommended that these cases all be turned over to the Human Rights Court. In November 1999, the Supreme Court began preparing indictments for several of the figures involved. The result? Habibie resigned his post, and the cases were again put on ice.

In July 1998 Parliament formed a Composite Fact-finding Team. In roughly 4 months’ work, the team received roughly 1700 reports on human rights violations; including 426 pertaining to disappearances, and 320 on extra-judicial killings.

At almost the same time, around July-August 1998, The national Commission on Human Rights carried out its investigation on human rights violations in Aceh. The Commission was led then by the late Baharuddin Lopa. This commission collected data indicating the 781 deaths, 163 disappearances, 368 victims of maltreatment and 102 victims of rape, all between the years of 1998-1999.

Based on these findings the Commission concluded that the accumulated violation of human rights in Aceh were of the most severe kind: murder, brutal mistreatment, forced disappearance, forced arrest and confinement, rape and seizure of property.

According to the Suggestion of the Aceh Legislative council, the deadline for the formation of a Special Human Rights Court and Truth and Reconciliation Commission for Aceh is one year from the date of the Aceh Government amendment being approved and made into law. Yet the Home Office deleted the sections on the deadline from the proposed bill when they brought it to the Parliament.
Minister of Communication and Information Sofya Djalil, speaking as the government’s representative in that meeting suggested another solution.

Djalil suggested that all parties forgive one another. Djalil fastened his suggestion to Islamic tenets, noting ”seeking conclusion need not require adjudication.’

According to Djalil, Islam provides three methods for problem-solving; these include is qishas (proportional punishment—death for the murderer, for example), diyat (the payment of fine) and finally, forgiveness.

Decisions on whether to avail of qishas, diyat or forgiveness will depend on levels of faith.
”Best is to forgive,” he concludes.

Ahmad Farhan Hamid is not opposed to the principle of forgiveness, just so long as it is preceded by the necessary judicial process. Reconciliation in Aceh can only be secured by the attainment of justice. This is Hamid’s conviction.

The court’s aim to discover who is truly at fault. Forgiveness or pardon can be granted later, should the victim and her family agree. The South African experience following the collapse of the apartheid regime provides an example. All perpetrators gave witness while seated accross from the familiies of their victims. Nothing was concealed or covered-up. Mandela himself guaranteed the safety of the witnesses.

The reactions of victims and their families to such testimony can varies widely. There are those who forgive with an openheart. Many feel enraged since meeting with the perpetrator reminds them of the loved ones who were killed. Still, following such a process, reconciliation can carry on without obstacles. Reverenge becomes a part of the past. But what about in the case of Indonesia?

Although Hamid remains enthusiastic in writing that cases, in his heart of his hearts, he still doubts whether the cases will be pursued and justice upheld. He concludes, ”This is what I mean when I say write to forget.”[end]

Translated by Scott Schlossberg, Doctoral Candidate Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies UC Berkeley.
Indonesian version of this article uploaded in www.pantau.or.id.

Maaf, Ini Tempat Pangeran

Oleh Imam Shofwan

TIRAI malam turun di Leuwinanggung, Depok. Hanya ada beberapa orang lewat, melintasi ruas-ruas jalan desa. Sepi merayapi pemukiman itu.

Di rumah Iwan Fals, yang terletak di tengah-tengah pemukiman tadi, suasananya terlihat lain. Sejak sore hari, sekitar tiga ratus pemuda-pemudi berkumpul sebuah pendopo, di samping rumah itu. Mereka, kebanyakan mereka mengenakan busana – sejak T-shirt, jaket hingga topi -- yang ditempeli pin bergambar Iwan Fals, judul-judul lagu Iwan Fals, kutipan syair lagu-lagu Iwan Fals. Ada juga yang menempeli busananya dengan emblim organisasi penggemar Iwan Fals, Oi.

Jelas mereka fans Iwan Fals. Mereka sengaja datang ke Leuwinanggung untuk bertemu idolanya, sambil main musik bersama, lengkap dengan berjoget bersama. Mereka pun menyaksikan pertunjukan teater, pembacaan puisi, dan selebihnya kongkow-kongkow hingga larut malam. Topiknya macam-macam, namun mereka kerap memberi tekanan pada persoalan kebobrokan bangsa.

Setiap Rabu, seminggu sekali acara itu digelar. Suasananya tampak akrab. Sang idola dan fans duduk tanpa sekat. Iwan biasanya ditemani anak-istrinya dan duduk lesehan di tengah kerumunan para penggemarnya.

Pendopo itu sendiri cukup besar. Bisa menampung sedikitnya 200 orang. Kalau penggemar Iwan datang membludak, mereka bisa duduk di depan pendopo. Ada empat kursi di sana.

Acara kongkow-kongkow itu biasanya dimulai pukul 20.00.

Saya duduk menyempil di antara penggemar Iwan Fals dan bersandar di tiang sebelah kanan pendopo. Saat acara hendak dimulai, Agus Pagar, seorang penjaga keamanan di rumah Iwan Fals menghampiri saya. Dengan ramah, dia meminta saya pindah tempat.. ”Maaf geser ke depan Mas,” pintanya, ”ini tempat Pangeran.” Tangannya mengarah ke Iwan Fals, yang ada diluar pendopo. Saya mafhum siapa yang dimaksud ”Pangeran.” Dan Iwan Fals memang pangeran di hati fansnya.

Dia mendapatkan gelar itu bukan lantaran keturunan ningrat. Kepangerannya lahir dari aura dan perjalanan karirnya sebagai seniman yang paling konsisten menyuarakan kritik sosial, kegelisahan rakyat kecil, dan kegundahan orang-orang yang terpinggirkan secara rutin oleh perubahan sosial yang berlangsung cepat. Dia berkarir di jagat musik lebih dari 25 tahun ini. Lebih 35 album telah lahir dari tangannya.
IWAN Fals lahir Jakarta, 3 September 1961. Ayah-ibunya, pasangan Harsoyo dan Lies Suudiyah, memberi dia nama Virgiawan Listanto. Dia biasa dipanggil keluarganya ”Tanto”. Nama dan panggilan itu kini nyaris tak dikenal.

Kepekaan Iwan Fals terhadap penderitaan rakyat kecil telah tersemai di hatinya sejak usia dini, sekurang-kurangnya sejak usia belasan . Tak jarang dia memberikan barang-barang yang justru disenanginya, sekadar untuk berbagi kebahagiaan dengan teman-temannya yang memang kurang beruntung secara ekonomis.

Kepekaan sosok Iwan terasah di jalanan saat mengamen di jalanan Bandung. Dia melihat kemiskinan, kekerasan hidup, dan sebagainya. Iwan Fals melawannya dengan kebersamaan, kejujuran, solidaritas, juga humor khas anak jalanan. Pada sisi lain Iwan juga menyaksikan kehidupan sebagian kecil orang yang serba mewah. Pada sudut lainnya lagi Iwan menyaksikan para pemimpin bangsa dan politisi yang hanya memikirkan perut mereka sendiri dan abai dengan pendidikan dan kesehatan yang menjadi kebutuhan dasar rakyat kecil. ”Jangan salahkan kalau mereka belajar kehidupan di jalanan,” tutur Iwan Fals kepada saya.

Pada 1979, Iwan mengikuti lomba musik yang diselenggarakan LHI (Lembaga Humor Indonesia). Dia memenangkan lomba ini. Panitia merekam dan ABC Records mengasetkannya menjadi dua album: Yang Muda yang Bercanda I dan II. Nama ”Iwan Fals” waktu itu ditulis dengan ”Iwan False”.

Nama ”Iwan Fals” baru dipakai sejak album Canda Dalam Nada. Ini bisa dibilang kelanjutan dari album kerja sama LHI dan ABC record. Dalam album ini, Iwan menyanyikan Generasi Frustasi dan Imitasi. Dia belum lagi terkenal.

Serenande Kembang Pete adalah album percobaan Iwan dengan ABC Records. Nuansa jalanan beraransemen minimalis, dengan olah vokal yang polos, masih dominan dalam lagu Serenande Kembang Pete. Lirik dan musik country yang membungkus lagu tadi, mengingatkan kita pada penyanyi-cum-kritikus sosial Bob Dylan, penyanyi balada asal Amerika Serikat yang kehadirannya di sana identik dengan gerakan anti-Perang Vietnam 1960-an dan 1970-an.

Kalau di antara kita jatuh sakit
Lebih baik tak usah ke dokter
Sebab ongkos dokter di sini
Terkait di awan tinggi

DARI ABC Record Iwan Fals pindah ke Musica Studio dan memproduksi album Sarjana Muda pada 1981. Angka penjualan mencapai 300 ribu keping. Dari penjualan tersebut Iwan membeli tanah 6.000 meter persegi, yang kini jadi tempat untuk istananya.

Lagu-lagu Oemar Bakri, Ambulance Zig Zag, Bung Hatta adalah lagu-lagu paling terkenal Iwan hingga kini. Stasiun-stasiun radio waktu itu mulai memutar lagu Oemar Bakri, sebuah lagu yang diisi dawai melodi Idris Sardi.

Lagu-lagu yang sarat kritik pada album itu meroketkan nama Iwan Fals.

Tahun baru 1982 adalah hari kelahiran Galang Rambu Anarki, putra pertama Iwan dengan Yos Rosana, mantan model. Kebahagian itu terganggu oleh isu kenaikan BBM. Dia merekam suasana hatinya yang sedemikian sehingga munculah Galang Rambu Anarki dalam album Opini.

Iwan semakin mengukuhkan ketenaran dirinya sebagai penyanyi dengan syair-syair yang penuh kritik sosial. Selain mengkritik kenaikan BBM di tengah-tengah kesulitan hidup rakyat kecil yang sulit mendapatkan pekerjaan, Iwan juga mengeritik kesulitan susahnya orang mendapatkan kerja. Yang disebut terakhir diabadikannya dalam lagu Sarjana Muda. Tak hanya sampai di sana. Maraknya penebangan hutan menggugah Iwan untuk menciptakan Isi Rimba Tak Ada Tempat Berpijak Lagi.

Masih di bawah Musica Studio’s, Iwan memproduksi album Sumbang (1982), Sugali (1984), Barang Antik (1984), Sore Tugu Pancoran (1985) dan Eithopia (1986). Kekejaman politik diabadikan Iwan dalam lagu Sumbang, kebobrokan transportasi pada lagu Kereta Tiba Pukul Berapa, lalu Celoteh Camar Tolol dan Cemar mengabadikan tenggelamnya kapal Tampomas II yang kelebihan penumpang.

Dia juga hendak mengangkat martabat kaum terpinggirkan. Lirik Sugali jelas-jelas memotret martabat seseorang yang dianggap sampah masyarakat. Intinya, Iwan hendak mengeritik maraknya isu petrus (penembakan misterius) sekitar tahun 1984. Kontras kehidupan kaya miskin diabadikan dalam lagu Siang Seberang Istana sampai lirik Sore Tugu Pancoran yang mengabadikan anak yang harus bekerja.

Tak hanya kritik. Iwan pun melahirkan lagu-lagu manis, romantis, sesuatu yang manusiawi. Anda bisa mendengarnya lewat Asmara tak Secengeng yang Aku Kira, Entah dan Kumenanti Seorang Kekasih. Lagu yang disebut terakhir karya Yoesyana, kawan Iwan yang membantu album Ethiopia.


ADA masa-masa bagi Iwan Fals untuk mengerem kritik sosialnya. Dan itu mulai terlihat gejalannya pada 1986. Di masa itu, Iwan meluncurkan album Aku Sayang Padamu yang lebih didominasi lagu-lagu bertemakan cinta, seperti Ku Sayang Kamu, Jangan Tutup Dirimu, atau Selamat Tinggal Malam.

Hanya setahun. Berikutnya, hingga 1988, nuansa kritik kembali mengental pada album Lancar, Wakil Rakyat dan 1910. Beberapa lagu yang terkenal dalam periode ini adalah Kereta Tua, Kuli Jalanan, Surat Buat Wakil Rakyat, PHK, Libur Kaum Kusam, Ada Lagi yang Mati, Mimpi yang Terbeli, atau 1910.

Sungguh pun kritik makin mengental, Iwan ternyata belum lagi melepaskan diri dari tema-tema cinta seperti tahun sebelumnya. Dengar saja Mata Indah Bola Pingpong atau Buku Ini Aku Pinjam, yang ditulis Iwan pada kurun 1987 - 1988.

Pada 1989 Iwan Fals Iwan Hijrah dari Musica Studios ke Airo Records, milik Setiawan Djody, bos kapal tangker yang menyukai musik. Di Airo, Iwan dikolaborasikan dengan Ian Antono dan menghasilkan album Mata Dewa, yang meledak dipasaran. Djody senang dan terpacu semangatnya untuk mendalami dunia rekaman. Dia lantas menggaet Sawung Jabo, Naniel, dan Innisisri. Mereka disatukan dalam Band Swami yang menghasilkan dua album, Swami I dan Swami II.

Album Swami I menembus angka 800 ribu keping. Djodi makin bersemangat dan Swami yang hanya dikontrak tiga tahun, diarahkan ke wadah baru bernama ”Kantata Taqwa” pada 1990. Djody mengajak penyair WS. Rendra dan musisi Jocky Suryoprayogo untuk bergabung. Penggarapannya album lebih serius, sekurang-kurangnya peralatan musik kini modern dan lebih lengkap. Mereka membuat album Kantata Taqwa.

Kerjasama dengan Djodi ini menghasilkan Bento dan Bongkar, dua lagu yang fenomenal dan semakin mengukuhkan Iwan sebagai musisi yang selalu kritis dengan pemerintah. Selain itu lagu-lagu kritis seperti Kesaksian, Orang Orang Kalah, Hio juga diproduksi masa ini.

Iwan Fals kembali ke Musica pada 1990. Dia merilis album Antara Aku Kau dan Bekas Pacarku. Album ini berisi lagu-lagu aransement ulang tanpa tambahan lagu baru dan hanya lagu-lagu cinta seperti, Antara Kau Aku Dan Bekas Pacarmu, Yang Tersendiri, Sebelum Kau Bosan, Jalan Yang Panjang Berliku, Jangan Tutup Dirimu, Nyanyianmu, Maaf Cintaku, Entah, Aku Antarkan, ditambah dengan single Kemesraan karya Franky Sahilatua.

Kurun 1990-1997, Iwan membuat album Cikal (1991, Indo Music Box), Belum Ada Judul (1992, Harpa Record), Hijau (1992, Pro sound), Dalbo (1993), Orang Gila (1993), Anak Wayang (1994, PT Kharisma Swara Indopersada), Terminal (1994, Harpa Record), Perahu Retak (1995, Harpa Record) dan Lagu Pemanjat (1996)

Syair kritik semisal Proyek 13, Belum Ada Judul, Besar dan Kecil, Anak Wayang, Lingkaran Aku Cinta Padamu, Terminal mewarnai album-album itu.

Iwan kembali digandeng Setiawan Djodi 1998. Mereka merilis album Kantata Samsara. Para penggemar Iwan Fals agak kecewa. Pasalnya, seperti pada album Swami II, dalam album ini terlalu banyak yang menjadi vokalis. Padahal, karisma Iwan Fals dalam berolah vokal tetap tak tertandingi. Kekecewaan ini berbuntut pada angka penjualan album ini yang menurun dari album sebelumnya. Album selanjutnya adalah Peristiwa Senayan 6 Juli 1998, yang berisi lagu-lagu Iwan dalam konser Iwan 6 Juli 1998 yang berakhir rusuh.
Tahun 2000 Iwan kembali merilis album Best of The Best. Ini berisikan album lama Iwan tanpa aransemen ulang. Hanya Kumenanti Seorang Kekasih dan Entah yang diaransemen ulang. Sejak album Orang Gila (1994), Iwan baru mengeluarkan album single lagi tahun 2002, yaitu album Suara Hati. Namun nuansa kritiknya lebih lembut dan tidak sekeras pada album-album Iwan yang terdahulu.
Setahun kemudian Iwan merilis album In Colaboration With, yang mecapai 600 ribu copy hingga berhak mendapat triple platinum. Album ini merupakan kolaborasi Iwan dengan musisi muda, taruhlah Pongky (Jikustik), Eross (Sheila on 7) atau Kaka (Slank). Tidak ada satu pun lagu yang bernuansa kritik. Semua melulu tema cinta.

Iwan terus bicara cinta dalam album terakhinya In Love (2005). Dia tak lagi menulis lagu baru dalam album ini.


MARCELLIUS Kirana Hamonangan Siahaan alias Marcel mendapat inspirasi lagu Temani Diriku dari sang istri Dewi Lestari. Dany Sepriatna Gumilar atau Dany Java Jive mendapat inspirasi lagu-lagunya dari penjara. Ahmad Dhani terinspirasi syair-syair lagunya dari bacaan buku-buku sufinya. Bagaimana Iwan Fals?

Iwan Fals punya cara sendiri untuk mendapat inspirasi lagu-lagunya. Ketika muda, Iwan gemar naik gunung untuk mendapat inspirasi. Di usianya sekarang yang berkepala empat, Iwan punya cara sendiri untuk mendapatkan inspirasi lagu-lagunya lewat ”Diskusi Reboan”, sebuah ajang pertukaran ide setiap hari Rabu malam antara Iwan Fals dan penggemarnya. Salah satunya, lagu di bawah ini:

negara harus bebaskan biaya pendidikan
negara harus bebaskan biaya kesehatan
negara harus ciptakan pekerjaan
negara harus adil tidak memihak
itulah tugasnya negara
....
negara harus begitu
kalau tidak bubarkan saja

Bait lagu ini belum ada di album-album Iwan Fals, bahkan belum mempunyai judul. . ”...Satu lagu tentang negara, kita belum tahu judulnya,” tulis Chaerudin via sms pada saya. Chaerudin adalah organizer diskusi itu. Diskusi ini pertama kali digelar sejak 3 Okober 2005, yang digagas oleh Rosana Listanto istri Iwan Fals, Digo Dz, dan Epol Ramadlan. Dua yang disebut terakhir adalah pengurus organisasi penggemar Iwan Fals.

Iwan melantunkan bait-bait lagu tersebut dengan iringan gitar tunggal yang dimainkannya sendiri, dengan semangat penuh. Lagu itu dinyanyikan Iwan sebagai hiburan untuk diskusi Reboan pada 29 Maret 2006, di pendopo rumah Iwan. Titik api perbincangan berkisar soal utang negara.

Diskusi itu rutin diselenggarakan sepekan sekali, sejak enam bulan lalu. Penyelenggaranya, Badan Pengurus Pusat (BPP) Oi, yang bekerjasama dengan Iwan Fals Managemen (IFM). Acara ini menjadi hiburan tersendiri bagi para penggemar. Iwan Fals kadang menyelingi acara tadi dengan main musik. Lebih beruntung lagi kalau Iwan membawakan lagunya yang terbaru, seperti malam itu.

Malam itu mereka mengundang ekonom dari Universitas Gajah Mada Revrisond Baswir, ekonom Golkar Ichsanuddin Noorsy, Dian Kartika Sari dari Infid (International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development) dan Kusfiardi dari Koalisi Anti Utang.

Iwan Fals tak beranjak dari tempat duduknya, sementara Mba Yos – sapaan akrab Yos Rosana -- sesekali keluar pendopo dan mengajak bicara Titin Fatimah, sekretaris Iwan Fals Management sekaligus bendahara diskusi ini. Iwan terkesan dengan uraian-uraian para pembicara, terutama pada Revrisond Baswir.

Revrisond Baswir seorang dosen yang kritis terhadap pemerintah. Ketika presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono berencana menaikkan harga BBM, Baswir termasuk orang yang menolak rencana tersebut.

Baswir, biasa disapa Soni, mengartikan kembali kemerdekaan melalui sejarah utang Indonesia. Menurut dosen ekonomi Universitas Gadjah Mada ini, Indonesia belum merdeka pada 1945, sebab Belanda masih belum ikhlas memberikan kedaulatan Indonesia pada tahun tersebut. Indonesia baru diakui kemerdekaannya Desember 1950 melalui Konferensi Meja Bundar (KMB).

Dia sendiri berpendapat, Indonesia belum merdeka hingga kini. Pasalnya, salah satu hasil KMB menyebutkan semua utang yang dibuat oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda menjadi tanggungan perintah republik ini. Jadi, begitu Indonesia diakui kedaulatannya oleh PBB otomatis Indonesia telah berhutang sejumlah empat miliar dolar Amerika, ”Apakah ini yang dinamakan kemerdekaan,” Baswir bertanya retoris.

Selain terpikat uraian Baswir, Iwan juga tertarik dengan penuturan Ichsanuddin Noorsy yang menjelaskan soal utang luar negeri sebagai bentuk kejahatan kemanusiaan. ”Budget pengeluaran Indonesia yang terbesar adalah untuk membayar utang luar negeri. Sementara untuk pendidikan dan kesehatan masyarakat budgetnya jauh lebih kecil, ” kata Noorsy.

Iwan menggenapi topik perbincangan dengan membawakan lima lagu yang sarat kritik. ”Sebuah lagu yang saya gak tahu apakah ada hubungannya dengan ini atau tidak ama utang negara. Soalnya, kalau soal hutang, saya belum buat,” tutur Iwan disambut dengan tepuk tangan para penggemarnya. ”Lagu ini adalah harapan saya untuk negara Indonesia.”

Begitu melihat Iwan maju ke depan dan menyandang gitar, para penggemar Iwan yang semula duduk santai sambil mengobrol di luar pendopo, langsung merangsek masuk ke dalam ruangan.

Diskusi malam itu ke-22 kalinya. Sebelumnya, telah banyak pembicara didatangkan, mulai Budiman Sudjatmiko, Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Khofifah Indar Parawangsa, Anang Hermansyah, Franz Magnis Suseno, sampai Menegpora Adhyalksa Dault.

Bahan pembicaraannya juga beragam, mulai agama, cinta, politik, pembajakan, kekerasan terhadap perempuan, penyakit AIDS, kenaikan BBM, korupsi, demonstrasi, tenaga kerja, sampai utang negara.

Iwan senang berdiskusi dan menghibur para penggemarnya. Dia berharap kebiasaan seperti ini bisa menjadi kebijakan Oi secara nasional. ”Kebanggaan terhadap negeri ini harus dipertanyakan lagi,” tutur Iwan mengomentari hasil diskusi malam itu. ”Kalau masyarakatnya makmur, saya yakin tidak hanya dari Sabang sampai Merauke, tapi Singapura, Malaysia juga akan tertarik bergabung dengan Indonesia,” kelakar Iwan Fals. [end]

* Tulisan ini pernah dimuat di majalah Rolling Stones, edisi ulang tahun Mei 2006.

Past Crime in Aceh

By Imam Shofwan

If the Aceh bill is passed in Jakarta, lieutenant colonel Sudjono and his associates would probably have difficulties sleeping. The bill demands the establishment of a human right court and a truth and reconciliation commission in Aceh.

Such a system would have it that those understood as being involved in previous murders could finally be searched out and tried. If there is reconciliation, then they could possibly receive amnesty, so long as they are open and tell the truth about their former violations.

If Aceh is successful in trying the perpetrators of crimes against humanity, then at least in theory, Papua should also be able to find the murderers of roughly 100,000 Papuans since 1969, or even further still, the murderers of one, two or perhaps three million people who were killed on the island of Jawa in 1965-66.

Marzuki Darusman, a legialator with the Golkar Party and a member of the committee for the Draft Bill on the Government of Aceh, claims that the handling of the violations of human rights in Aceh cannot go on as it has:“the cases are beyond the mark and cannot handle by normal courts.”

There is yet another obstacle, “if the Acehnese understand peace as more important than the pursuit of these human rights cases,’ Marzuki notes.

Sudjono is Head of the Intelligence Section in Korem Liliwangsa at Lhokseumawe. On 19 July 1999, Sudjono led about 70 Indonesian soldiers in an ambush against a dayah (religion school) headed by Teungku Bantaqiah in Beutong Ateuh, West Aceh. The reason for the ambush was Bangaquah’s support for GAM, involvement in the black market for marijuana, stockpiling of weaponary, and his teaching of ”deviant philosophies”

That morning, according to a goverment investigation team led by Darusman and formed by then-President B.J. Habibie, Sudjono come to the dayah with Captain Anton Yuliantoro and Leutenant Colonel Hieronymus Guru, his colleagues in Batallion Yonif 328/Kostrad Cilodong, Bogor, which had been sent for operations in Aceh.

Yuliantoro asked Bantaqiah to surrendur his weapons. Bantaqiah responded that he had no weapons. Some soldiers pointed toward the radio antena, and Sudjono asked Usman, Bantaqiah’s son, to remove the antena. As Usman approached the antenna, several soldiers beat him by gunstock. Watching his son getting beaten, Bantaqiah called out, ”Allahu Akbar, Allahu Akbar.” His disciples followed, and the atmosphere grew even more tense.

A number of soldiers opened fire. Bantaqiah was shot with a GLM (grenade launching machine). His intestines hung out in strands, bullets pierced his neck. Tens of his disciplies were wounded and many among them died, including Usman.

According to Otto Syamsyuddin Ishak in his book ”Sang Martir: Teungku Bantaqiah,” that soldiers forced local residents to dig up the mosque floor in search of weapons. They burned three houses, forced Islamic school students to undress, burned books, forced several womens to strip and groped them. Residents were ordered to prepare a mass grave.

In the afternoon, Sudjono ordered the evacuation of victims by two trucks, ostensibly so that they may be treated in hospital. In fact, the trucks stopped midway enroute, where the wounded were ordered to alight, then shot down in rows and thrown into a canyon. 34 died and 23 other were wounded that day.

The massacre at Beutong Ateuh is not particularly out of the order in Aceh. It is simply the result of Indonesian military operations. President Habibie had 25 sodiers put on trial in (civil and military) courts in Banda Aceh. All were found guilty and later appealed. Sudjono has deserted until now. Because Sudjono has never come to court, other officers, including Hieronymus Guru and Sudjono’s commanders, have never been made to take responsibility either. Anton himself has been imprisoned.

This is the history of crime in Indonesia. Since Hasan di Tiro declared the freedom of the ”Aceh nation” on 4 December 1979, it is as though mass murderers have become untouchable. According to Amnesty International, more than 10.000 Achenese have been killed since 1976. GAM itself has killed Indonesian soldiers, as well as Acehnese suspected of ”cuak” or working as spies.

Now since the Helsinki accords and consideration of the Draft Bill on the Government of Aceh - with the deadline of March 30 - people like Otto and Darusman remain pessimistic that even if the bill is passed, they will ever be able to brings officers like Sudjono to trial. Otto reminded us that there are two version of the Aceh draft bill. First, there is a version put together by Acehnese society itself by way of 33 public meetings. Second, there is the Minister of Domestic Affairs version, which is often referred to by GAM as a “betrayal” of the Helsinki spirit. The Jakarta version of the bill has even been challenged by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and an organization of retired officers.

The Home Affairs version of the Draft bill notes that the Government ”should fulfill, advance, and secure human rights in accordance with their understanding under the intenational convenants.” The government must also form a special Human Rights Court and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Human right trial also formation of Commission of Propriety and Reconciliation.But these clauses are in fact too vague to become operational. Amirudin al Rahab from Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (a legal advice institute) refers to the passage as ”pasal bodoh, [stupid clause].” The language fools no one.

Amiruddin is from Papua. He is the translator of Robin Osborne’s classic book “Indonesia’s Secret War: The Guerilla Struggle in Irian Jaya”, with the Malay title ” “Kibaran Sampari: Gerakan Pembebasan OPM dan Perang Rahasia di Papua Barat.” He is also active in Perkumpulan Masyarakat Jakarta Peduli Papua [Assembly of Jakarta Society Concerned with Papua] which has noted many of the weaknesses in the Undang-undang Otonomi Khusus Papua (Special Autononomy for Papuan Acts) of 2001. At that time, President Megawati Soekarnoputri offered up the Papua Act as a substitute for the independence Papuans desired.

The Papua law also required the Indonesian government to form a human rights court and reconciliation comission. The act was passed five years ago, ’Until now there’s not even a hint of progress’, notes Amiruddin.

He Suggest DPR adds several clauses to the Aceh Draft Bill mentioning particular institutions responsible for formation of the human rights court and truth commission. The Draft bill should also have language guaranteeing compensation for victims, judges and witnesses.

Propriety commission. Beside that, Aceh Draft Bill need clause who assured of availability of compensation fund for victims, judge and witness.
Learning from the South African experience, the Indonesian state should also prepared compensation money for victims’ families. This is important, as we must remember the severe and lasting damage to the lives of victims. Even the descendants of human rights victims, two, three, perhaps five generation down the line, will have difficulty living in peace. They want revenge on the state.

Conversely, sincere efforts at reconciliation, in South Africa for instance, help to make democratization more stable. President Nelson Mandela chose reconciliation because his state was unable to follow the model of German denazification following the second world war. Notably however, both the German and South African economies have grown healthily partly due to their honest dealings with the past.

Indonesia is not yet stable due to its past. Amiruddin refers to the 1984 murder of Moslems in Tanjung Priok, Jakarta. Victims’ families found it difficult to obtain compensation, as was ordered by the courts, because no particular institution was made accountable.

How can a legal process carry on without funds even for the provision of witnesses? How much longer must we wait for the Bantaqiah case and thousands more cases to go forward when there’s not even provision for finding perpetrators? Amiruddin makes reference to the Abepura case in which the court at Makasar did not even have funds to bring the most important witnesses from Jayapura. With the lessons of Abepura in mind, Amiruddin suggests that the human rights court and reconciliation commision should be based in Aceh, and given the necessary funds and authority so that it may engage the representatives of the Acehnese.

Sudjono himself has ignored the summons of the Bande Aceh court. According to Sang Martir, Sudjono has been seen in Bali and Jakarta. I have also made attempts at finding Sudjono for an interview, by calling on the help of activists friends and his former colleagues in Batallion Yonif 328/Kostrad in Bogor and Bondowoso. Sudjono is an alumnus of School for Officer Candidates in Bandung, 1976.

Another debility of this Aceh bill is that there is no deadline for the formation of the court and reconciliation commission. The DPRD Aceh version sets the deadline at one year. ”But this passage is deleted in the Jakarta version of the law, and sets no deadline at all,” according to Amiruddin, ”establishment of a human right court and a truth and reconciliation commission is only empty promise.”

Amiruddin’s suggestions have been received well by Marzuki Darusman. ”These suggestions are important and should be distributed to other DPR members,” he has said. Otto Syamsuddin Ishak, however, is pessimistic, ”if I keep close watch on the spirit of this Aceh Bill, actually Indonesia is just toying with us, how to manage a small Indonesian state called Aceh. If this thing doesn’t get solved, then this state is going to blow up.”[end]

Translated by Scott Schlossberg, Doctoral Candidate Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies UC Berkeley
Indonesian version of this article uploaded in Pantau Website in 06 Maret

Musdah Mulia di antara Sepuluh Perempuan Pemberani

Imam Shofwan
Sepuluh perempuan pemberani berkumpul di satu ruang di kantor menteri luar negeri Amerika Serikat di Washington pada 7 Maret lalu.

Mereka sengaja diundang oleh Condoleezza Rice, menteri luar negeri AS, untuk menerima penghargaan Internasional Women Encourage Award. Untuk pertama kalinya penghargaan ini diberikan pada perempuan-perempuan yang mendedikasikan dirinya untuk perjuangan hak-hak perempuan di negaranya masing-masing.

“Mereka (dipilih) dari 80 wanita luarbiasa berani,” menurut rilis yang dikeluarkan oleh Senior Coordinator for Intenational Women’s Issues, “yang diajukan oleh kedutaan-kedutaan besar Amerika di seluruh dunia karena berbagai kontribusi mereka untuk kemerdekaan, keadilan, perdamaian dan kesetaraan.”

Para aktivis hak-hak perempuan Indonesia umumnya bergembira dan bangga karena salah satu penghargaan ini diberikan Siti Musdah Mulia, seorang profesor pemikiran Islam dari Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta, yang getol memperjuangkan hak-hak perempuan terutama lewat Counter Legal Draft (CLD) Hukum Islam yang disusunnya sebagai pengembangan Kompilasi Hukum Islam yang telah ada.

Dalam CLD ini Musdah memasukkan pembelaannya terhadap hak-hak perempuan seperti pelarangan poligami, pelarangan perkawinan di bawah umur, pelarangan perkawinan yang tidak dicatatkan. Karena prestasinya ini dia mendapatkan penghargaan tersebut dan aktivis perempuan Indonesia menyambut dengan gembira.

Sebagai bentuk kegembiraan sebuah acara Malam Apresiasi Untuk Perempuan bertajuk “Menghargai Karya Perempuan dan Mengakhiri Budaya Bisu,” digelar di Universitas Paramadina, Jakarta, pada 30 Maret lalu.

“Harusnya acara ini digelar minggu lalu, tapi diundur karena Bu Musdah ikut test anggota Komnasham,” tutur Romo Heri Susatyo, aktivis dialog antar agama, pada saat jumpa pers sesaat sebelum acara dimulai merujuk pada Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia.

Musdah Mulia yang juga hadir dalam jumpa pers tersebut menjelaskan tentang pengalamannya selama di Amerika dan bercerita tentang beberapa kawannya yang mendapat penghargaan.

“Mereka berasal dari negara berkembang. Lima Muslim dan lima non Muslim,” tuturnya.

Sara Susana del Valle Trimarco de Veron kawan, sesama penerima penghargaan dari Argentina Musdah Mulia yang sangat berkesan baginya. “Dia berhasil membongkar kejahatan mafia (human) trafficking,” tutur Musdah Mulia menginggriskan istilah perdagangan manusia.

Veron adalah ibu dari seorang putri bernama Marita Veron, gadis berusia 23 tahun yang diculik di jalan San Miguel de Tucuman, Argentina, pada awal April 2002.

Veron yakin kalau anaknya diculik oleh sindikat pedagang perempuan untuk dieksploitasi secara seksual dan diperdagangkan. Maka dia pun menyambangi bar-bar, mengunjungi tempat-tempat pelacuran untuk mengumpulkan informasi soal keberadaan putrinya.

Hingga kini Veron belum menemukan Marita. Namun tak berarti pencarian Veron percuma sama sekali. Menurut USINFO, program informasi internasional US, berkat usahanya mengumpukan informasi dan mengunjungi tempat-tempat hiburan dia berhasil membongkar jaringan perdagangan manusia di lima provinsi di Argentina; La Rioja, Tucuman, Buenos Aires, Cordoba, dan Santa Cruz dan menyelamatkan tidak kurang dari 100 gadis yang hendak dijual.

Selain Veron, penerima dari Saudi Arabia, Samia al-Amoudi, diberi julukan “breaking silence” oleh Musdah Mulia, julukan ini kemudian diartikannya sebagai “membongkar tradisi diam” yang ada di Arab Saudi.

Julukan ini bukan tanpa alasan, al-Moudi, seorang dokter obstetrikus-geneologis dan mantan wakil dekan di College of Medicine and Allied Science di Universitas King Abdulaziz di Jedah, pada Maret tahun lalu menemukan sebuah benjolan kanker pada payudaranya.

Awalnya, al-Moudi, sempat panik karena orang-orang di Arab biasanya menganggap kangker sebagai penyakit yang mematikan dan mereka enggan untuk membicarakannya apalagi penyakit tersebut terdapat di dada perempuan.

Sebagai umat Tuhan, Al-Amoudi merasa diagnosanya adalah cara Tuhan untuk mengatakan padanya bahwa sebagai dokter dia bertanggung jawab untuk mendidik masyarakat dan meningkatkan kewaspadaan terhadap kangker. Sesuatu yang dianggap tabu untuk dibicarakan di Arab pun dicoba disiasatinya. Caranya: menggunakan kolom koran untuk mendiskusikan penyakit ini.

Dalam kolom ini al-Moudi bercerita soal bagaimana dia pertama kali menemukan benjolan, bagaimana dia menceritakan hal ini kepada anaknya, lalu bagaimana dia panik karena rambutnya rontok akibat kemoterapi yang dijalaninya untuk pengobatan. Dengan kolom ini pula dia menuturkan betapa pentingnya mendiskusikan kanker payudara pada laki-laki dan yang paling penting dia juga memaparkan banyak contoh bahwa penyakit ini bisa diobati dan banyak orang yang selamat dari kanker payudara.

“Perawatan kesehatan perempuan sering bergantung pada laki-laki, karena wanita tak boleh membuat janji dengan dokter sendiri, dan tak boleh diobati dokter laki-laki kecuali kalau suaminya mengizinkan,” tutur al-Amoudi, saat penyerahan penghargaan, pada USINFO.

Kolom ini banyak menyadarkan laki-laki Arab akan penyakit kanker payudara dan menyadarkan mereka untuk mendampingi pengobatan bagi keluarga perempuan mereka.

Selain Veron dan al-Amoudi adapula Mariya Ahmed Didi, seorang anggota parlemen, dari Maldives; Mary Akrami dan Aziza Siddiqui, dua pejuang persamaan hak-hak perempuan, dari Afganistan; Jennifer Louise William, aktivis perempuan, dari Zimbabwe; Ilze Jaunalksne, seorang wartawan cantik dari Latvia.

Selain kedelapan perempuan ini Menteri Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat juga memberikan penghargaan ini kepada dua aktivis perempuan dari negara jajahannya, Irak. Mereka adalah Sundus Abbas dan Shatha Abdul Razak Abbousi.

Sundus Abbas adalah direktur eksekutif Women Leadership Institute di Baghdad. Dalam sebuah wawancara dengan USINFO dia mengatakan “Selama 35 tahun Perempuan Irak absen dalam proses pengambilan keputusan, kini perempuan Irak berpartisipasi.”

Bukti nyatanya Shatha Abdul Razak Abbousi, seorang anggota Iraqi Counsil of Representative (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat). Dari 275 dewan ini 80 orang adalah perempuan dan Shatha mendapat penghargaan sebagai wanita pemberani dari Condoleezza Rice.

Namun 80 orang perempuan yang menjadi legislator dan yang salah seorang di antaranya diberi penghargaan internasional sebagai wanita pemberani ini tentu saja tidak menutup kenyataan bahwa ribuan perempuan Irak lainnya ketakutan untuk keluar rumah dan harus mencukupi kebutuhan seluruh anggota rumah tangga akibat perang yang dikobarkan Amerika.

Kebijakan luar negeri Amerika Serikat ini, diakui Mulia, buruk khususnya terhadap Irak. Namun Mulia menerima penghargaan ini dan tidak menolaknya untuk presure agar menghentikan pendudukan Amerika di Irak. Menurut Mulia, dengan begitu, dia bisa katakan pada Rice supaya menghentikan kebijakan luar negeri yang merugikan umat manusia, khususnya umat Islam.

Keputusan untuk menerima penghargaan ini juga berdasarkan saran dari Azyumardi Azra, mantan rektor Universitas Islam Negeri Jakarta, yang meminta Mulia untuk menerimanya.

Sepulang dari Washington selain disambut gembira oleh kawan-kawannya sesama aktivis perempuan Mulia juga mendapatkan tuduhan, dari sekelompok orang yang tidak dia sebutkan, kalau dia menerima uang ribuan dolar dari Rice dan dia menolak tuduhan ini saat wawancara dengan penulis.

“Dulu (saat menyusun CLD) saya dituduh sebagai ”Agen of America”, “Agen of Yahudi,” dan sebagainya. Kini saya dituduh menerima ribuan dolar. Semua ini tidak benar,” tutur Mulia.

Tulisan ini dimuat di Syir'ah online pada 2-4-2007

Islam Menurut Novelis Kristen

Oleh Imam Shofwan

Pandangan orang Barat terhadap Islam umumnya penuh dengan stereotip negatif seperti Islam identik dengan terorisme, poligami, dan jihad. Pandangan semacam ini semakin dikukuhkan pasca pemboman gedung WTC 9 September 2001 lalu yang dikenal dengan peristiwa 9/11.

Namun pandangan ini akan lain jika seorang datang langsung, hidup bersama, dan melihat keseharian umat Islam. Minimal inilah yang dilakukan oleh Camilla Gibb, seorang antropolog lulusan Oxford University ini, yang pernah tinggal di dua negara Islam. Pertama dia pernah tinggal di Mesir selama satu tahun dan pada 1994/1995 dia tinggal di Eithopia untuk penelitian antropologi untuk tesis Phd-nya. Di sana dia melihat langsung bagaimana orang-orang Islam mempraktekkan agama dan berjuang melawan kekerasan dan kelaparan.

Dia merasa menulis tesis tidak cukup memuaskan dirinya. Karena harus ditata berdasarkan berbagai teori dan aturan-aturan lain yang menurutnya mereduksi banyak hal yang dia saksikan. Setelah dia lulus Phd dia memulai cara penulisan baru yang bisa menampung semua yang dia saksikan itu. Belakangan dia tahu bentuk novel bisa mengakomodasi keinginannya. Dan pada 1999 diterbitkanlah novel perdananya Mouthing The Words, kemudian The Petty Detail of So-and-so’s Life pada 2002 dan novel terbarunya Sweetness in the Belly terbit pada akhir 2005. Karya ini yang kemudian mengantarkannya ke Indonesia.

Pada Kamis 22 Maret kemarin, Gibb diundang kedutaan Kanada di Jakarta untuk membicarakan karyanya bersama dua orang novelis Indonesia dalam sebuah seminar dengan tema Agama dan Perempuan dalam Sastra, Pengalaman Indonesia dan Kanada. Sebelum acara, dia memberikan bocoran isi karya terbarunya saat wawancara dengan kontributor Syirah, Imam Shofwan, berikut petikannya:

Anda pernah bilang kalau Novel ini terinspirasi dari al-Quran, sejauh mana pengaruhnya?

Sebelumnya saya ingin katakan kalau saya adalah seorang nasrani, jadi saya bukan seorang muslim, saya belajar al-Quran lewat terjemahan dalam bahasa Inggris. Al-Quran tidak mengalami penulisan ulang dan hanya memiliki satu versi, selain itu saya kira keindahan bahasa yang puitis yang menarik dan memberi inspirasi saya.

Bagaimana Anda tahu keindahan bahasa kalau mempelajari dari terjemahan?

Saya juga belajar bahasa Arab sebelum ke Mesir. Dan yang lebih menarik (al-Quran) adalah kitab yang komprehensif dan mengatur semua aspek kehidupan Muslim.

Selain itu, sebagaimana yang saya lihat di Eithopia, bagaimana al-Quran diajarkan seorang ayah pada anaknya dari generasi ke generasi selanjutnya ini menarik saya.

Gibb dilahirkan di United Kingdom Inggris dan pada usia 3 tahun pindah ke Toronto Kanada bersama orang tuanya dan di sinilah dia tinggal hingga kini.

Tokoh Lilly dalam novel terbaru anda mirip dengan karakter Anda yang berpindah dari satu tempat ketempat lain. Lilly juga seorang perempuan Barat yang mengunjungi Eithopia, yang membedakan hanya dia seorang muslim dan Anda bukan?

Saya ingin menggambarkan kehidupan seorang perempuan dari keluarga hippi (orang yang suka hidup bebas) Eropa yang ditinggal orang tuanya di Eithopia dan bagaimana dia mencari jati dirinya. (dalam wawancara lain Gibb menyatakan yang dicari tokoh Lilly adalah Cinta dan Kebahagiaan)

Karakter semacam ini yang tidak bisa saya munculkan secara detail dalam karya akademik dan bisa dengan bebas saya tuangkan dalam novel.

Secara umum novel ini tidak terjebak pada pandangan umum Barat pada Islam yang dianggap identik dengan teroris, bisa jelaskan soal ini?

Ini pula ingin saya sampaikan dan bisa tertuang dalam novel. Saya melihat Islam dipandang dengan banyak sekali stereotip yang negatif oleh orang Barat khususnya paska kejadian 9/11. Pandangan umum ini tidak berlaku di Kanada, terutama di Toronto tempat tinggal saya. Di Toronto 50% penduduknya bukan kelahiran asli sana angka ini lebih besar daripada di Kanada secara umum yang 20% dari penduduknya bukan kelahiran asli Kanada.

Hal ini berlangsung sejak saya kecil. Saya masih ingat waktu kecil saya punya seorang kawan dari Pakistan. Saya bertanya padanya dengan pertanyaan yang sangat umum dilontarkan oleh orang Kanada, “Where are u From?” ”Kamu darimana?”, dan dia menjawab, “Pakistan.” Saat itu saya tanya apa itu Pakistan dan dia menjawab, “Semacam negara.”

Hal ini membekas dan membuat saya ingin tahu lebih soal Pakistan dan hal lain yang multikultur di Kanada. Dalam suasana multikultural ini Kanada berhasil dalam akulturasi berbagai budaya dan hidup bersama-sama dengan toleransi.

Kondisi toleransi dari berbagai budaya ini yang saya rasakan dari kecil yang ingin saya ceritakan dalam novel saya.

Apa anda ingin melawan stereotip umum Barat ini?

Tentu saja, saya ingin menggarisbawahi bahwa saya menulis ini jauh sebelum kejadian 9/11. Jadi streotip yang ada di Barat pada umumnya tidak berlaku di Kanada. Menurut saya stereotip semacam jihad yang identik dengan teror ada di Islam namun hanya pada kelompok kecil Islam dan interpretasi minoritas.

Di Eithopia, misalnya, saya menemukan arti jihad yang lain, yaitu; jihad secara internal atau jihad individu yaitu perjuangan untuk menjadi pribadi yang baik, jihad melawan kemiskinan dan kebodohan.

Bagaimana soal poligami yang ada di Islam?

Saya juga tidak menemukannya di Eithopia, di sana terlalu mahal untuk poligami. Dari pada untuk poligami lebih baik untuk makan. Dan dalam Islam, saya tahu praktek poligami yang dilakukan Muhammad adalah untuk janda-janda tua dan miskin.

Apakah akulturasi ini didukung oleh kebijakan pemerintah Kanada?

Seperti tadi saya bilang, banyak orang Kanada bukan kelahiran asli Kanada. Banyak pendatang dari Yunani, Skotlandia, Libanon, Palestina.

Angka penduduk muslim di sana sekitar 70.000 dan merupakan 2% dari keseluruhan penduduk dan dua kali lipat dari penduduk yang beragama Sigh, Yahudi, dan Hindu.

Dan ini membutuhkan kebijakan multikultur dari pemerintah. Sejauh ini banyak kebijakan yang mendukung hal ini, misalnya kursus-kursus berbagai bahasa yang banyak difasilitasi pemerintah.

Selain Anda ada beberapa novelis Kanada lain yang menulis soal Islam, apakah ini trend baru?

Betul, ada sekitar 4 novelis lain yang menulis soal Islam dan bukan dari kalangan Islam. Dan mereka rata-rata menulis perspektif lain soal Islam dari umumnya pandangan Barat soal Islam. Saya juga beruntung karena penerbit-penerbit di sana juga suka dengan kampanye toleransi ini.

Truth or Consequence

By Imam Shofwan
 
She is said to have been breathtakingly beautiful, and even now, decades later, there are traces of what had made her so attractive to men: an oval face, cleft chin, eyes that slant upwards just so, and hair that is thick and wavy. When she was younger, her skin was also a smooth golden brown, her body slim yet full in the right places. 

These days there are wrinkles around her eyes, but it is the weariness in her face and the slump in her shoulders that betray her age of 50 years – and what she has been through. Then again Lalerek Mutin, a small community east of the Timor Leste capital, isn’t known as “widow’s village” for nothing. 

“My husband was kidnapped and killed by three soldiers when I was four months pregnant,” she tells me. “My child died of hunger. Now I raise my two kids from two of the three soldiers who committed sexual acts on me.”

I had picked her out at random from among the 8,000 witnesses who testified before the Commission of Acceptance, Truth, and Reconciliation of Timor Leste or CAVR, its acronym in Portuguese. The testimonies were given voluntarily. Later, these were compiled in a 2,500-paged book entitled “Chega!” or “Enough!” in Portuguese, where the identities of the witnesses and their alleged abusers were concealed behind code names. 

The woman I would meet in Lalerek Mutin went by the code name “MI” in the book, which lists crimes against humanity committed in East Timor from August 1974, more than a year before the invasion and occupation of Timor Leste by Indonesia, to 1999, when the Indonesian forces departed after the U.N.-sponsored referendum.

The witnesses came from the 13 districts across Timor Leste. They told of the human-rights violations they experienced or had seen, where and when these happened, who were involved. The atrocities enumerated in Chega! range from detention to torture, to rape and sexual slavery, to murder. In all, some 183,000 people are estimated to have died in East Timor during the 25 years of Indonesian occupation.

Most of the victims were East Timorese. Some of the alleged perpetrators, meanwhile, were from militia formed by local political parties like Frente Revolucionaria de Timor-Leste Independente (Fretilin), Uniao Democrattica Timorense (UDT), and Associacao Popular Democratica (Apodeti). 

But majority of those said to have committed the crimes belonged to the Indonesian Armed Forces and the militia they themselves had formed. I felt scared when I learned that most of the crimes were being blamed on members of the Indonesian military, which had also been a constant presence while I was growing up in Rembang, studying in Semarang, and later working in Jakarta.

Looking for healing

According to Aniceto Guterres Lopes, former head of the National CAVR, the idea to create the Commission practically rose from the wreckage that was Timor Leste after the 1999 referendum. Majority of the people voted for independence, and for that buildings were razed to the ground and half of the population was forced to flee their villages. Those who did not want to leave or were suspected to be pro-independence were killed by the Indonesian military or its militia.

“That time we really needed reconciliation,” says Guterres Lopes. “And this reconciliation could only be reached by revealing the truth.”

“The purpose,” explains Agustinho Vasconselos, former commissioner of the National CAVR and current head of the post-CAVR Technical Secretariat, “is to record the crime, so that people can learn from it and do not commit it again.”

Yet not one of the recommendations put forward by the Commission had been acted upon up until the time he is saying this to me, in May 2007, or two years after CAVR had wrapped up its official activities. Indonesia itself had already refused to have its officers in Timor Leste face an international court of justice, although it promised justice for those wronged by its soldiers. There was actually a group of officers brought to court, but no one was convicted. From General Benny Moerdani and General Wiranto, who were in command of the Indonesian Armed Forces in East Timor, way down to the military rank and file -- not one took responsibility for the deaths that occurred here during the Indonesian occupation.

When I try to ask Xanana Gusmao, then the outgoing president of Timor Leste, about what had happened to CAVR’s work, he declines to comment. “I think this is not the time for the interview,” he tells me. After all, I have caught up with him while he is in the thick of giving and attending farewell parties.

But I can’t help thinking that it had been under Gusmao’s leadership that CAVR was formed. He had also been active in gathering support for the Commission, including its funding. CAVR is estimated to have consumed some $25 million in total. In November 2005, it completed its work with the release of Chega! Copies of the report were distributed to members of the National Parliament and made available to the general public. Another version was sent to then President Gusmao; unlike Chega!, it contained the real names of both the victims and the alleged perpetrators.

Justice at a standstill

Activists had been pleased with the CAVR report, which aside from detailing human rights-violations committed in Timor Leste from 1974 to 1999, also recounted how U.S.- and British-made planes and weapons were used to commit crimes towards civilians. The report recommended that a court of justice be formed for all crimes committed, as well as reconciliation and pardon for light crimes. Among the demands in Chega! was that some countries, including Indonesia and Australia, provide reparation for the victims.

The release of the groundbreaking report, however, was soon overshadowed by a political crisis that eventually led to the resignation of then Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri. Recalls Francisco Branco of Fretilin, the biggest party in the national legislature: “At that time, Parliament had other priorities, besides examining and reading the results of CAVR’s work.”

But by May 2007, this infant country’s lawmakers still had not done much regarding Chega! – even though many of them had been instrumental in crafting together the legal basis for the Commission’s work.
Some of the parliamentarians I meet say they simply have not yet received the report. ”I only received the short version of the report. Not full and complete,” says Vincente da Silva Guterres, a legislator from the Timorese Resistance National Council, which is more popularly known by its Portuguese acronym, CNRT. It is also Gusmao’s party.

Mario Sabino Lopes from the Democrat Party admits having a copy of Chega!, but says the “process” on what to do with the testimonies and recommendations was at a standstill in Parliament. He also points out that the legislature had been busy with campaigns – and then somehow found it necessary to note that his party was a minority in parliament “and does not wield enough votes”.

All these have left activists like Edio Saldanha Borges very upset. Saldanha Borges had quit the Human Rights Association shortly after Chega!’s release and established an alliance for international justice. According to him, all members of parliament had copies of Chega! and if some claim that they haven’t, they are lying. “It is an outright lie,” he says angrily, “because, according to the Constitution 162, year 2002, CAVR is responsible to the Parliament.”

He also confesses to feeling bad towards Gusmao, who is a respected and much admired figure among the Timorese. But Saldanha Borges apparently cannot accept that the same man who was instrumental in starting the CAVR later created the Commission on Truth and Friendship (CTF) with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Gusmao even took most of CAVR’s members to join CTF and sit in its various committees.

Saldanha Borges is scathing in his remarks about CTF and its creators: “After taking statement from the victims, they then create a friendship commission whose aim is to pardon the perpetrators. This is a betrayal of the victims.”

It’s a view shared by many human-rights advocates from New York to Dili. Since CTF was formed in March 2005, it has been seen by many as a “sham”. To those like Saldanha Borges, the CTF contradicts CAVR’s mission to reveal truth that will eventually lead to reconciliation; instead, they say, it hides the truth in the guise of friendship.

Human Rights Association head Jose Luis Olivera says that Gusmao’s decision to help form the CTF only showed that the ex-resistance leader was just “playing” with the victims of human-rights violations in Timor Leste. Says Olivera: “By supporting the creation of CAVR, Xanana wanted to be regarded as supporting human rights. But actually, he was not serious, as proven by his creation of (CTF).”

Varied crimes and characters

The creation of CAVR had posed a lot of challenges because of the wide variety of human-rights crimes to be handled and the large number of people involved, some of whom were still occupying high-ranking positions. On the East Timorese side, the more prominent personalities included Gusmao, who had been the leader of the resistance movement, and Fretilin’s Francisco Guterres Luo’lo, who wound up the president of the National Parliament. Recalls Guterres Lopes: “A lot of people were pessimistic of our mission to document all the crimes committed in the last 25 years. At that time most people were focusing on human-rights violations in 1999.”

Which were themselves horrific, thus explaining why they became the subject of several investigations, including one by the United Nations. Indeed, Geoffrey Robinson in East Timor 1999 concluded that crimes against humanity in East Timor after the UN-sponsored referendum here had been systematic and widespread. Yet even these were not enough for those like Guterres Lopes – or MI, for that matter -- to forget what had happened during the previous years.

The local organizations named in Chega! as being among the perpetrators of the atrocities -- UDT, Fretilin, and Apodeti -- all trace their beginnings in mid-1974, sometime after a government change in Lisbon, which led to Portugal suddenly pulling up its stakes in most of its colonies across the globe. In East Timor, which had been under Portuguese rule since the mid-16^th century, debates soon broke out over where the territory would go next. UDT wished for Timor Leste to remain under Portugal, while Fretilin wanted sovereignty. Apodeti, the smallest party, lobbied for integration with Indonesia next door. But all their arguments became moot with Indonesia’s invasion of Timor Leste in December 1975, with support from the United States and Australia.

It took a little longer for members of the Indonesian armed forces to reach MI’s village. She says they arrived in Lalerek Mutin in late 1983, when she was already married. MI’s young husband survived the initial Indonesian military onslaught, which seemed to have been aimed at cleansing the area of Fretilin guerrillas and sympathisers. Many men in the village were killed. By then, other communities elsewhere had already suffered a similar fate, with some enduring far worse. In Krakas village, Viqueque, the slaughter was said to have been indiscriminate, with the sick and elderly among those who were killed.

MI remembers clearly that it was a few months after the Krakas massacre that three Indonesian soldiers came and took her husband away. It was the last she would see of him.

The road to Lalerek Mutin

It now takes 10 hours to get from Dili to Viqueque by public bus, at a cost of $10. Viqueque is 100 kms east of Dili, and Lalerek Mutin is approximately 15 kms from Viqueque. During the Indonesian occupation, Viqueque, Baucau, and Los Palos were known as the bases of Fretilin, the group fighting for independence. By the time I get to Lalerek Mutin, Timor Leste has had more or less seven years of being free.

I had been able to figure out who MI was and where she came from by consulting the Audience Record of the National CAVR, 28-29 April 2003. During this period, 14 women gave their testimony on the sexual violation they experienced; all of their real names and some other details were put on record. To tell which one was MI, all I had to do was find the match for her story in Chega!

But there is obviously nothing in the Audience Record or in Chega! that speaks of the beauty of much of Timor Leste’s countryside. From Dili to Manatuto and then to Bacau, the beach appears and disappears from view as the bus traverses the mountainous roads. The beach is not wide, but it is long, and its sand looks like brushed white paint separating the cool blue of the sea from the vibrant green of the hills.

Still, there is no avoiding the evidence that this country has been through a lot. For example, along the road from Dili to Motaain, bordering Indonesia, most of the buildings have either been burned down completely or left with only half their structure still standing. In late 1999, when more than 260,000 East Timorese were forced to move across the border to the western part of the island in the post-referendum chaos, the road we are on must have looked like scorched earth.

There is no public transportation to be had to Lalerek Mutin, and my bus ride stops at Viqueque. I contact Mario Pinto, a Timor Leste radio journalist, and he comes to help me out. He is friendly and smiles often. There is a motorcycle we can use, but I would have to drive it myself since Pinto doesn’t know how.

To reach Lalerek Mutin, we traverse a teak forest, the Viqueque market, a coconut plantation, the Waituku River, and a former military barracks. It is already dark when we finally arrive there, and there is no electric service. Small huts with palm leaves as roof and the earth as flooring serve as homes in Lalerek Mutin. Dogs and pigs wander around freely, as do children covered with dust and not much else.

We proceed directly to the home of Jose Gomes, the village head. Gomes was also among CAVR’s witnesses. We talk about the Krakas massacre for a bit, and I learn that most of the survivors (majority of whom were women) had moved to Lalerek Mutin in 1984. Pinto and I ask for permission to visit MI, who lives near Gomes’s house, and then we excuse ourselves.

Face to face with MI

We find MI sitting in what looks like her terrace. She is hard at work on a big pan of dough, and a makeshift oil lamp fashioned out of a soda bottle is her lone light. Besides farming, MI sells Portuguese hard bread each morning. Each piece of pao, which she makes from scratch, nets her five cents. “If I sell all, I get two U.S. dollars,” MI says. The U.S. has replaced the Indonesian rupiah as the currency in Timor Leste.

“A lot of people come here to ask me about the rape that I experienced,” she says, the words sounding almost like a rebuke. “Some months ago an Australian came and asked me to tell the story.”

The village children now gather at her terrace, their curiosity piqued. A few bare-chested women with babies clutched to their breast follow suit, inching closer to our group. MI suddenly looks uncomfortable. “Halae, halae, halae (Disperse, disperse, disperse)!” she shouts, shooing the children away.

She later says that she did not immediately talk to people from the CAVR who had visited Lalerek Mutin a few years back. It took four tries before they were able to persuade her to give her testimony. “I trusted them,” says MI, “because when the priest came, he was accompanied by CAVR staff.”

If the CAVR staff proved persistent, that may be partly because of the sheer effort it had taken just to form the body. Indeed, there had been strong public pessimism regarding the initiative, but as Guterres Lopes had told me back in Dili, “the support of the international community at that time made us strong”.

Since the 1990s, this kind of commission has been created in post-conflict countries, mostly in Africa and Latin America. CAVR is the 21^st such body, following a similar one set up in Sierra Leone. “I think (CAVR) is the first truth commission in Asia,” Jose Estevao Soares, a former CAVR member, had also told me in Dili.

Local and international human-rights advocates, Roman Catholic Church leaders, former political detainees, pro-integration representatives, and the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) discussed the commission’s creation in a June 2000 workshop. CNRT head Gusmao received the signal to create a “truth commission”, and he put the topic on the table during the popular party’s first congress. As a result, one of the recommendations of that congress was the formation of the CAVR.

And so a lead committee was put together, consisting of representatives from various political parties, as well as those from religious, military, and international groups. Its task was to consult the people on their views about the proposal. It was confirmed that the public on the whole wanted justice even as people also sought “reconciliation”.

The National Council, under Gusmao’s leadership, submitted the final blueprint for the commission to Sérgio Vieria De Mello, transitional administrator of Timor Leste. He approved the proposal on 13 July 2001.

The CAVR advisory board was made up of prominent figures in Timor Leste society: Jose Ramos-Horta, Bishop Carlos Felipe Ximenes Belo, Bishop Basilio do Nascimento, Madre Zulmira Osorio Soares, Pastora Maris de Fatima Gomes, and Ana Pessoa Pinto. In addition, there were four international advisers: Vieira de Mello, Ian Martin, as well as Saparinah Sadli and Munir from Jakarta.

Those who became advisers to the CAVR National Commission included Guterres Lopes, Padre Jovito do Rêgo de Araujo, Maria Olandina Isabel Caeiro Alves, Jacinto das Neves Raimundo Alves, José Estevão Soares, Rev. Agustinho de Vasconselos, and Isabel Amaral Guterres.

A life violated

MI says, though, that the CAVR was not first to have sought her testimony regarding what she went through during the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. “During the Indonesian era I gave information to an informal audience from the Church,” she says. “I gave information again during the CAVR era.”

MI, who says she has endured being called “bihu” or spy by some of her neighbours, tells me the names of the three soldiers who had taken turns in forcing her to become a “battlefield wife”. The first, she says, took her even though she was still mourning the death of her 14-month-old son. She soon got pregnant again, but she miscarried and lost the child. She has not heard from the soldier since he was reassigned shortly after her miscarriage.

Then, she says without much emotion, “in 1991, M___ from Nanggala had sexual relations with me, resulting in a child who is now in the first year of junior high school. In 1993, S____ from Battalion 408 fought to get me, made me pregnant, and left the child with me.”

MI says M___ finished his tour of duty and returned to his mother unit without waiting for her to give birth to his child. “I could not work after giving birth,” she says. “My neighbours and relatives gave me food.”
MI says that each time she is asked what she wants most, she says her answer has always been the same: a carabao. It’s a very simple wish, but she says having one would be a great help in her farm. She has said this to those who have repeatedly ask her about her experiences in the hands of Indonesian soldiers, but no carabao has been brought to her doorstep.

We talk with MI until late at night. I start panicking when I see dark clouds covering the stars in the sky.
We thank her and bid goodbye. Drops of rain begin to fall as we journey back to Viqueque, and the dirt road soon turns into slippery mud. We meet groups of people, some pushing cars, others with machetes in hand. “They just came back from the market,” Pinto says reassuringly.

Our ride becomes better once we reach the Viqueque market, where the road is asphalted. But then our motorcycle’s headlight chooses that moment to die, and we spend several minutes in darkness. Fortunately, a truck comes and Pinto asks its driver to beam its light on the road to help us see our way up to a village, which is also pitch black. “Here the electricity is one day on and one day off,” says Pinto.

Searching for two soldiers

Soon I am back in Indonesia, where I try to find M___ and S_____. I meet Col. Ahmad Yani Basuki, the head of the army’s Public Information Service in Jakarta. He asks me to submit an official request for information. I do so the very next morning; I have yet to receive a reply.

I go to Battalion 408 headquarters in Sragen, near the city of Solo, to seek S_____. Lt. Col. Ahmad Bazar, the battalion commander, meets me at the Widoro Kandang shooting range. We talk as soldiers around us go through rounds of exercise. “If it’s about the war preparation of Battalion 408, I can talk,” he says. “But for human-rights issues, you have to get permission from the Regiment Command. We are just field officers.” Our conversation lasts 15 minutes, maybe less.

The following day I contact the Warastama Regiment Command 074 in Solo. Lt. Col. IGK Wicitra Wisnu, the chief of staff, tells me, “This is not under my jurisdiction. We have a supervisor. Rather than give you a wrong answer, it’s better you get permission first from the Information Unit of the Regiment Command.” I feel like a ping-pong ball being thwacked back and forth.

I decide to board near Dormitory 408. I even ask help from fruit and ice-cream vendors to find S_____, to no avail.

I do have an opportunity to meet the wife of someone I know was assigned with S____ to Timor Leste. But she turns angry once she learns what I am after. She screams, “If I make a report about you to the police or to the army, you will be arrested.”

Livid with rage, she tells me I am lucky her husband and two sons – one “a graduate from the Military Academy in Magelang” – are not around. Otherwise, she says, I would surely end up behind bars.
I am still trying to find S_____ and M_____ to give them MI’s message that they have children in Timor Leste who are now going to school.

As for MI and other Timorese like her ever getting a taste of justice, all I keep hearing in my head are these words uttered by Timor Leste President Jose Ramos Horta in his inaugural speech: “I am satisfied with the work results of the Commission on Truth and Friendship and I will continue what had been formed by my predecessor.”