By Imam Shofwan
If the Aceh bill is passed in Jakarta, lieutenant colonel Sudjono and his associates would probably have difficulties sleeping. The bill demands the establishment of a human right court and a truth and reconciliation commission in Aceh.
Such a system would have it that those understood as being involved in previous murders could finally be searched out and tried. If there is reconciliation, then they could possibly receive amnesty, so long as they are open and tell the truth about their former violations.
If Aceh is successful in trying the perpetrators of crimes against humanity, then at least in theory, Papua should also be able to find the murderers of roughly 100,000 Papuans since 1969, or even further still, the murderers of one, two or perhaps three million people who were killed on the island of Jawa in 1965-66.
Marzuki Darusman, a legialator with the Golkar Party and a member of the committee for the Draft Bill on the Government of Aceh, claims that the handling of the violations of human rights in Aceh cannot go on as it has:“the cases are beyond the mark and cannot handle by normal courts.”
There is yet another obstacle, “if the Acehnese understand peace as more important than the pursuit of these human rights cases,’ Marzuki notes.
Sudjono is Head of the Intelligence Section in Korem Liliwangsa at Lhokseumawe. On 19 July 1999, Sudjono led about 70 Indonesian soldiers in an ambush against a dayah (religion school) headed by Teungku Bantaqiah in Beutong Ateuh, West Aceh. The reason for the ambush was Bangaquah’s support for GAM, involvement in the black market for marijuana, stockpiling of weaponary, and his teaching of ”deviant philosophies.”
9 December 2012
By Imam Shofwan
Posted by IMAM SHOFWAN at 16:01
17 November 2012
Posted by IMAM SHOFWAN at 13:05
11 November 2012
Posted by IMAM SHOFWAN at 15:58
30 October 2012
Posted by IMAM SHOFWAN at 12:59
23 October 2012
Posted by IMAM SHOFWAN at 19:00
27 August 2012
- 1. Penyerangan tidak dipicu oleh apapun. Bahkan korban diam akan tetap diserang karena memiliki motif menghilangkan perbedaan atau menghilangkan orang-orang yang berbeda.
- 2. Dengan demikian, penyerangan yang dilakukan merupakan upaya sistematis dan serius untuk menganiaya dan menghilangkan nyawa jamaah Syiah di Sampang. Konstruksi pengadilan yang mengatakan penyerangan karena dipicu oleh kedatangan ust. Tajul Muluk terbantahkan sudah, mengingat saat ini Ust. Tajul Muluk masih berada di LP.
- 3. Isu penyerangan juga sudah tersebar bahkan sebelum lebaran, akan tetapi Polisi sama sekali tidak mengambil tindakan antisipasi dan pencegahan. Polisi seperti membiarkan serangkaian kekerasan yang merenggut korban jiwa dan materi terus terjadi.
- 4. Pemerintah telah gagal dalam menjamin rasa aman dan terpenuhinya hak-hak dasar jamaah Syiah Sampang. Pemerintah gagal melindungi jamaah Syiah dari pelbagai ancaman kekerasan yang sistematis dan terencana.
- 1. Menuntut Kapolri untuk melakukan evaluasi internal atas kegagalan Polres Sampang dalam menjamin rasa aman bagi jamaah Syiah, bahkan bila perlu memecat Kapolres Sampang karena kegagalannya dalam menciptakan rasa aman bagi masyarakat.
- 2. Menuntut Polisi segera bertindak untuk menghentikan penyerang dan menyelamatkan para korban. Perlu dicatatm sebagian jamaah Syiah sampai saat ini keberadaanya belum diketahui.
- 3. Meminta aparat penegak hukum segera menjalankan proses peradilan terhadap para penyerang, pembakar, dan pembunuh demi terpenuhinya keadilan bagi korban dan masyarakat luas tanpa memperdulikan tekanan massa.
- 4. Meminta negara melakukan upaya pemulihan kepada para korban baik fisik, psikologis, keadilan dan ketidakberulangnya kejadian kekerasan,
- 5. Mendesak pelbagai institusi hukum untuk meninjau ulang posisi Ust. Tajul Muluk sebagai korban yang telah dikriminalisasi dan ditahan oleh PN Sampang. Terbukti secara meyakinkan bahwa Ust. Tajul Muluk bukanlah penyebab atas semua kekerasan yang terjadi di Sampang.
- 1. Lembaga Bantuan Hukum (LBH) Surabaya
- 2. Center for Marginalized Communities Studies (CMARs) Surabaya
- 3. GKI Sinode Jatim
- 4. Pusham Unair
- 5. JIAD Jatim
- 6. Gus Durian Jatim
- 7. KPI Jatim
- 8. Yayasan Maryam
- 9. Sapulidi Surabaya
- 10. PMII Jawa Timur
- 11. KSGK
- 12. KPPD Surabaya
Posted by IMAM SHOFWAN at 08:39
28 May 2012
In August 2002, a number of Islam-based political parties demanded the Jakarta Charter be included in the Constitution, which would mean that Muslims in Indonesia would have the obligation to live according to the prescriptions of Shariah law.
The effort was supported by a large number of — mainly hard-line — Islamic organizations, but nevertheless failed to pass through the House of Representatives, in part due to opposition from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the — also Islam-based — National Awakening Party (PKB).
The Islamists had to change strategy. In 2004 a new law on regional autonomy gave them the opportunity they had been hoping for. They set about implementing “Shariah from below” by advocating across the archipelago local Shariah laws, which often included rules such as women being required to wear the hijab, and couples wanting to marry needing to read the Koran.
Islamic groups have long argued that their brand of “Shariah from below” need not alarm any skeptics. The reality, however, is that attacks on religious minorities have been frequent and even deadly in a number of regions were such laws have been implemented.
One proponent of Shariah, M.S. Kaban of the Crescent Star Party (PBB), has said that: “If Shariah is applied, the benefit is not just for the unity of Indonesia but also for a fair and cultural humanity, and for social justice for the whole of society.” Ma’ruf Amin of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) and Ismail Yusanto of the Liberation Party of Indonesia (HTI) echoed this sentiment. There was nothing to fear, they all said.
Hidayat Nur Wahid of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) has argued, in a slightly different vein, that minority rights could be protected under a social contract similar to one that existed on the Arabian peninsular in the 7th century and formed the basis of the first Islamic caliphate: the Charter of Medina. It was an agreement between the Muslim, Jewish, Christian and pagan tribes of Medina, where the Prophet Muhammad first came to power. “Not only Muslims have the obligation to implement the Islamic Shariah; other groups [Jews and Christians in Medina] were given the authority to implement their religious orders,” Hidayat said.
There have been successes at the national level for the Shariah proponents, like the 2008 Law on Pornography. And there are restrictions on the building of houses of worship issued in 2006 and a joint ministerial decree severely limiting the activities of the minority Ahmadiyah sect. But the “Shariah from below” program runs particularly smoothly. Nowadays, at least 151 local Shariah bylaws have been adopted across Java, Sulawesi, Sumatra and West Nusa Tenggara.
In those areas, are adherents of minority religions sufficiently protected from persecution?
According to data released by the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, in 2010 there were at least 216 violations of religious freedom in areas that had implemented Shariah bylaws. West Java, East Java, Jakarta and North Sumatra were areas of particular concern.
Pandeglang, in Banten, began to apply Shariah bylaws in 2004. The goal was to minimize social relations among students and that effectively led to gender separation. But the defenders of Shariah in Pandeglang have not stopped at preventing boys and girls from mingling at schools; they also harass the Ahmadiyah there.
The Feb. 6, 2011, violence against the Ahmadis in the Cikeusik subdistrict of Pandeglang was the worst such violation in recent years. Three died in an attack by a large mob. The maximum prison sentence handed down was six months.
In Lombok, the Ahmadis suffered outright persecution. Houses were burned and access to electricity cut. All Ahmadis were expelled from Bayan, West Lombok. In 2001, persecution shifted to Pancor, in East Lombok. Local authorities gave the persecuted Ahmadis two options: leave Ahmadiyah or leave Pancor. All chose to leave Pancor. Across West Nusa Tenggara, of which Lombok is part, at least 11 Shariah bylaws are in effect: from liquor bans and compulsory Friday prayer attendance for Muslims to zakat pay cuts for civil servants.
But Ahmadis, whom mainstream Muslims say have a deviant understanding of the finality of Muhammad’s prophethood, are not the only targets.
Alexander Aan, an aspiring public servant in Dharmasraya district in West Sumatra, is another. On Jan. 18 this year, he was beaten and dragged to the police by a mob after questioning the existence of God in a Facebook status update. Instead of protecting him, police took him into custody and named him a suspect for defaming Islam. Is this the protection promised by pro-Shariah groups?
Sampang district in Madura — again an area that has implemented Shariah bylaws — is home to followers of the Shiite branch of Islam. There, homes, mosques and schools of Shiites were burned in December 2011. Tajul Muluk, their leader, has been charged with blasphemy.
West Java is among Indonesia’s most “Islamized” provinces, with at least 30 Shariah bylaws. But violence against Ahmadis and Christians is common there.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has a key role to play in the protection of religious freedom, which is guaranteed in the 1945 Constitution. The fact that the MUI’s Ma’ruf remains a key advisor on religious affairs is unlikely to help. In 2006, Ma’ruf helped draft the rules aimed at curbing the number of churches in this country. And in 2008, Ma’ruf supported the government’s decision to outlaw Ahmadiyah proselytizing.
So it is about time the so-called defenders of Shariah make good on their promise and start offering protection to minorities — just like what used to be the case during the life of the Prophet Muhammad himself under the Charter of Medina.
Imam Shofwan is the chairman of the Pantau Foundation, which is preparing a research report on Indonesian journalists’ perceptions of Islam.
This article published in Jakarta Globe, May 28, 2012
Posted by IMAM SHOFWAN at 16:27